A Decolonial View

By students in the Colonial and Postcolonial Master

Stereotypes and Racism: Portrayal of Races in Fantasy Video Games. A reflection of the real world?

2025-03-27

By Henrike Sausen

Disclaimer: The word ‘race’ is being used throughout the writing process as the correct game lore term in the literature and to ensure consistency. This is a reproduction and should be viewed with a critical eye.

After a stressful day, many people come home and, after a few clicks, dive into the digital realm to escape all the stress and problems. For many people, gaming is a big part of their everyday life, whether it’s on their computers, phones or consoles. They’re attracted by the interactive part of video games and their vast and beautifully crafted stories and graphic design. This post looks at how race and racism are portrayed in video games, with a focus on fantasy games. Games use ideas of race, capability and compatibility to create a world where the enemy is always easy to identify. There are lots of ways to look at this, from the objectification of cultural signs and practices, the way different skin colours are presented, and the way appearance and characteristics are connected.

Scholars in recent years have in some cases presented the Orcs as evil (Fergusson 2022) while others prefer to throw a wider net and focus on the presentation of Race and Otherness (Leonard 2003) and the concept of Essentialism (Monson 2012). David Leonard calls the 21st century the era of video games as he sees the increasing availability of video games and their progression on a visual and in game level (Leonard 2003: 1). In addition to the monetary indicator for the popularity, studies are looking into the amount of people playing video games on a general basis. Around 65% of all American households enjoy video games from different genres (Monson 2012: 48). Scholars like David R. Dietrich argues for the need to integrate video games and their role into research: “What’s more, video games represent a new form of media, distinguished from the previous forms by the interactive element where game players have the ability to change and influence the game world” (Dietrich 2013: 82). Research regarding video games by Children Now found that over half of the analysed games show stereotypes. In general, they found a high number of presenting and reusing sexist, misogynistic, racist tropes and a lack of people of colour in their games (Leonard 2003: 1).

Scholars believe that one reason for this is the role of the game creators and designers, who are limited by their capacity in society and the constructs in which they grew up. Just as researchers need to reflect on their privileges and limitations, we should consider the people creating games and in which context it was produced. As Melissa Monson notes: “Here, it is the imagination of game developers that sets the parameters for the sociohistorical context in which the game takes place, rather than any overt attempt to replicate the real world.” (Monson 2012: 49)

Many tend to believe that fantasy-based video games are not subject to racism and the criticism discussed above, as they seem to be very distant from the real world. However, research shows that they are just as essentialist as their reality-based cousins. Analysis of MMORPG (Massively Multiplayer Online Role-Playing Games) such as World of Warcraft – the current number one in fantasy video games – show that criticism of racism can be traced and connected just as it does to any other media form: 

From the hate-filled bigotry of Blood Elves to racialized jokes (So an Orc walks into a bar…), to game encoded racial essentialism which determines alliances, language, intellect, temperament, occupation, strength, and technological aptitude, Azeroth (the fantasy-based realm of WoW) is ensconced in racial precepts (Monson 2012: 48).

In addition to in-game problems as discussed above are additional issues through the interaction between players outside the game. This will not be discussed at this point, but should be kept in mind, when talking about video games. The world of Fantasy authors is sometimes more obvious and sometimes less connected to the real world. The different groups in a story are often based on real-world areas, cultures and people (Monson 2012: 51). 

For the limited scope of this paper, one example from Baldur’s Gate 3 as a proxy, is presented. In general, it is to be noted that the critique can be applied to almost all fantasy video games, as they require the choosing of a race to be played by the gamer (comp. Monson 2012). With it comes a background story and characteristics, which will influence their game play but also interactions inside the game. A central issue is presented by Ferguson because “[t]he Dungeons and Dragons (D&D) game also saw controversy given that the game involves some monster ‘races’ such as orcs which are depicted as inherently evil”. (Ferguson 2022: 12400). The connection of race and attributes is what is central to the criticism, as it seems to follow theories and aspects of the real world. “The intertwining of recognizable cultural histories, epistemologies, and geographies encourage readers (and gamers alike) to suspend disbelief and accept the more fantastical elements of such stories” (Monson 2012: 53).

As discussed by Ferguson (2022) certain races in fantasy settings have more racial attributes, than others. He suspects that the Ethnocentrism lived in the real world translates into the virtual space and is reflected in the portrayal of certain races as evil or bad (Ferguson 2022: 12402). 

Against the background of the use of racial theories and the degrading and condescending characterisations based on appearance in the past, it becomes apparent that not only the physiological but also the character representation has to be a central point of criticism. To differentiate people by their appearance and their race, which in the fantasy world is more visible and often better explained, remains to be viewed critically. To connect characteristics to races and form strong stereotypes through it, that can easily be reproduced and sometimes very openly connect to real world cultures shows that racism and the use of Othering is common practice in fantasy.

This short post showed rather briefly how cultures are reproduced and used in game design and how concepts of racism and xenophobia are used to explain lore in the game world, without explaining the game further.

Bibliography

DIETRICH, D. (2013) Avatars of Whiteness: Racial Expression in Video Game Characters : IMMIGRATION AND RACE. Sociological Inquiry, 83(1), 82–105. 

Ferguson, C. (2022) Are orcs racist? Dungeons and Dragons, ethnocentrism, anxiety, and the depiction of “evil” monsters. Current Psychology (New Brunswick, N.J.), 42(15), 12400–12408. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-021-02551-4

Leonard, D. (2003) “Live in Your World, Play in Ours”: Race, Video Games, and Consuming the Other In: Studies in Media & Information Literacy Education. Volume 3, Issue 4 (November 2003). pp 1–9. DOI: 10.3138/sim.3.4.002.  

Monson, M. (2012) Race-Based Fantasy Realm: Essentialism in the World of Warcraft. In: Games and Culture. 7 (1). pp 48-71. DOI: 10.1177/1555412012440308 

An International Student in Sweden: My Journey, Joys, and Longings as an African

By Adedoyin Kudehinbu

When I first set an eye on Sweden as my destination for a third degree, it was a mix of excitement and curiosity. Truth be told, I didn’t know much about the country beyond its capital, Stockholm. A city I’d proudly name whenever friends quizzed me on world capitals. My fascination with geography had always been strong, and this new adventure promised to be a thrilling addition to my story. The idea of studying abroad began as a vague dream, but as I delved into researching post-graduate programs, Sweden consistently popped up as an excellent choice.

Encouraged by glowing recommendations and the promise of world-class education, I navigated months of applications, sleepless nights, with anxious anticipation. When the acceptance letter finally came through, I was overjoyed but the reality of moving to a far colder and culturally different country soon set in. Landing at Copenhagen Airport on a calm Friday morning, I felt both exhilarated and exhausted after an 18-hour journey filled with layovers. Despite my fatigue, I knew I had to hurry to make it to Växjö in time for my school’s registration deadline. I booked a three-hour train ride and rolled my bags across the station. The cold hit me like a wave. It felt like I’d stepped into a giant freezer. Coming from Nigeria, a country of warm, sunny days and predictable weather, this was my first real encounter with Nordic winter. It was shocking and revitalizing all at once— a moment I’ll never forget.

Adjusting to life in Sweden has been an adventure. There are countless little joys that make the experience unique. One of the first things I noticed was the emphasis on personal space. You get to have more than one seat space to yourself on the bus. Initially I found it weird, why should a person choose to stand when there is clearly an empty seat beside me? It was difficult to wrap my head around, but I soon viewed it as a blessing, its more leg room and quiet for me anyway!

Sweden’s nature also captivated me. Coming from a two-season climate, witnessing the changing seasons here is awe-inspiring. Watching trees go from bare in winter to bursting with life in spring has become one of my favorite things. Another highlight is the courtesy I have experienced on the road. Seeing cars and buses stop for pedestrians at crosswalks is a refreshing change. While I always make eye contact with drivers to ensure safety, I never forget to wave in gratitude, it’s a simple act of kindness that warms my heart every time.

While life in Sweden has its perks, there are some things I deeply miss about home. One of the biggest is the sense of community. In Nigeria, communal living is part of our culture. There’s always someone around for a quick chat, a shared meal, or a neighborly favor. Here, I’ve often felt the isolation of individualism. It’s not uncommon to go days without bumping into anyone on my floor, and when I do, interactions are brief. Even though I live in a 19-story building I am often by myself on the elevator. Often, I hear my neighbor’s door open after mine has been shut, almost seem like they were waiting for me to exit the corridor to avoid little to no contact, that’s how less intrusive they are. Guess who now does the same. Yeah, you guessed right!

Another thing I miss dearly is African cuisine. There’s something irreplaceable about the taste and richness of Nigerian street food. From spicy suya to jollof rice to pounded yam and egusi soup, how about the locally made rich drinks like, tiger nuts and zobo, our meals are as flavorful as they are comforting. Finding the ingredients to recreate these dishes in Sweden has been challenging, which only deepens my longing for home. 

I equally miss the festive spirit of Nigeria. Back home, December is synonymous with festivities, beach outings, family gatherings, and lively parties. We call it ‘Detty December’, and it’s a whirlwind of joy and celebration. Looking out the snowy streets of Växjö, I know this year’s holiday season will be quieter, but I’m determined to make the most of it. As much as I miss home, I know that studying and living abroad is enriching my life in ways I never imagined. Every new experience, whether challenging or joyful, adds a unique chapter to my story.

Sweden is teaching me to embrace change, appreciate solitude, and find beauty in the unfamiliar. Life, after all, is a journey meant to be explored. And as I navigate the snow-covered streets of this Nordic country, I remind myself: variety truly is the spice of life. To anyone considering a similar leap, I say, pack your bags, keep an open mind, and prepare for a journey that will change your perspective forever. Here’s to new adventures, cultural exchanges, and the memories yet to be made!

Genocide of Herero and Nama

By Dimitris Diamantis

In the 19th century, conquering colonies was an indicator of power for European states. As a newly established state, Germany was slow to enter the colonial struggle, by the mid-1880s they became interested in acquiring colonies in Africa in an attempt to compete with established colonialists like Great Britain and France[i]. One of the colonies they acquired was in Southwest Africa, today’s Namibia. The main goal of Germany was settling the area where the Herero and Nama indigenous tribes lived. However, the tribes resisted the occupation[ii] and despite the resistance German settlers took control of a quarter of the region and planned to develop a railway line that would further divide the region in two.

The resistance of the indigenous population hurt the ego of Germany and strength of their military apparatus– the German forces resorted to extensive use of violence against the indigenous population to maintain their supremacy at all costs.[iii]They showed vengeful behavior against their enemies by killing women and children, going so far as poisoning the course of water to force them to die of thirst. Sadly, the fate of the survivors was bleak since they constituted the slave labor in the cities of German settlers in Africa[iv]. As a result, in the three years 1904-7, a robust population of 80.000 Hereros’ turned into a starving populous of 15,000[v]. The consequences of the Herero and Nama Genocide had such an impact on the German political scene that it resulted in the dissolution of parliament on the 13th of December 1906 after the calling of elections prompted by the Center Party’s rejection of a request for 29 million marks in supplementary funding for the expedition in Southwest Africa[vi]. So, it is unsurprising that Germany’s colonial policy (Weltpolitik) was the main issue[vii] in the political conflict between the two parties. On the one hand, the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD)  argued for the unprofitability of colonial expenses[viii]. On the other hand, it created a political alliance that supported German colonial policy that won the election. Notably, the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft (DKG)[ix] used cinema as a propaganda medium to show the suffering and privation of German soldiers during the Herero War[x].

The colonial alliance drew their arguments from social Darwinism[xi] in order to justify their policy and the genocide. The phrases “non-human” and “bloodthirsty beast”[xii] were evidence that the Herero rebellion and Nama resistance were not the only factors in which German forces used such extensive violence and how racism and European superiority motivated their actions.

The line of racist reasoning allowed proponents of the genocide to present the actions of the German forces as a response to the crimes committed by the indigenous populations by targeting European civilization[xiii]. The Germans resorted to a common practice of presenting themselves as defenseless[xiv] in order to be able to justify the atrocities they committed against the Herero and Nama. A typical example of how the German settlers portrayed the situation in the colonies was that they believed the surviving indigenous were a danger to them, when in fact the German authorities were oppressing the Herero and Nama[xv] leaving them to live in miserable conditions.


[i] Norman M. Naimark, Genocide: A World History, The New Oxford World History (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2017). P. 66.

[ii] Ben Kiernan, Blood and Soil: A World History of Genocide and Extermination from Sparta to Darfur (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007). P. 381.

[iii] Kiernan. P. 382.

[iv] Kiernan. P. 385.

[v] Naimark, Genocide. P. 68.

[vi] John Phillip Short, Magic Lantern Empire: Colonialism and Society in Germany (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2012). P. 135

[vii] Wolfgang Fuhrmann, Imperial Projections: Screening the German Colonies, First paperback edition, Film Europa, Vol. 17 (New York Oxford: Berghahn, 2017). P. 83.

[viii] Short, Magic Lantern Empire. Pp. 136-7.

[ix] Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft (German Colonial Society)

[x] Fuhrmann, Imperial Projections. P. 86.

[xi] Naimark, Genocide. P. 64.

[xii] Short, Magic Lantern Empire. Pp. 133-4.

[xiii] Kiernan, Blood and Soil. P. 388.

[xiv] Donald Bloxham and A. Dirk Moses, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Genocide Studies, Oxford Handbooks in History (Oxford ; New York: Oxford University Press, 2010). P. 105.

[xv] Kiernan, Blood and Soil. P. 389.

From Dacian Capital to Roman Colony: Imperialism and Erasure in Sarmizegetusa

By Felicia Ardelean

Introduction: Reframing the Roman Conquest

The Roman conquest of Dacia was more than just a military victory—it was a profound act of colonization that reshaped the region’s identity. While often framed as a story of civilization and progress, this transformation raises important questions about cultural erasure, power, and resistance. This blog post examines the contrast between Sarmizegetusa Regia, the sacred heart of Dacia, and Colonia Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, the Roman-imposed colony, to challenge dominant narratives of conquest and explore the lasting impacts of Roman imperialism through a decolonial lens.

Rome’s Triumph and Transformation

After intense wars (101–102 AD, 105–106 AD), Emperor Trajan conquered Dacia, reshaping its landscape. Dacian sanctuaries were destroyed, the native population declined significantly, and about 40.000 Roman troops settled in. Unlike other provinces, Dacia saw rapid colonization rather than gradual assimilation. Roman historian Flavius Eutropius documented this rapid transformation, with Sarmizegetusa serving as a notable example.

Two Sarmizegetusas: Dacian vs. Roman

Before the Roman conquest, Sarmizegetusa Regia was the capital and most significant military, religious, and political centre of the Dacian kingdom. Situated in the Orăștie Mountains, it served as the stronghold of Dacian kings, including Decebal, and housed grand sanctuaries dedicated to their deities. The city was heavily fortified, featuring an advanced defensive system and impressive stone structures.

Following Trajan’s victory in 106 AD, the Romans sought to establish their dominance by creating a new city: Colonia Ulpia Traiana Augusta Dacica Sarmizegetusa. This settlement, about 40 km away from the former Dacian capital, was built as a colony for Roman veterans and functioned as an administrative and economic centre rather than a capital in the modern sense. Unlike Sarmizegetusa Regia, which was a sacred and strategic centre for the Dacians, the Roman Sarmizegetusa symbolized colonization, urban planning, and the cultural transformation of Dacia.

 Map of the Two Sarmizegetusas (Source: istorieveche.ro)

A Symbolic Stronghold

The story of Dacia’s transformation is vividly depicted on Trajan’s Column in Rome. This monumental relief, completed in 113 AD, chronicles the conquest through detailed carvings of battles, fortifications, and Roman engineering achievements. While Colonia Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa itself is not explicitly represented, the column portrays key moments of Romanization, including military encampments, road construction, and the establishment of new settlements—elements essential to Dacia’s transformation.

 

Trajan’s campaign in Dacia, Sarmatian and Roman cavalry at battle during Trajan’s campaign in Dacia, relief from Trajan’s Column, Rome. (Source: Encyclopædia Britannica)

Founded in 106 AD, Colonia Ulpia Traiana Augusta Dacica Sarmizegetusa was more than a city—it was Rome’s statement of power. Strategically placed between Transylvania and the Danube, it also held symbolic weight, reclaiming the site of past Roman defeats. The Romans kept its Dacian name, cementing their rule over the former kingdom.

Initially a military fortress, it grew into an administrative and economic centre. Contrary to popular belief, it wasn’t the capital of Roman Dacia but served as the province’s administrative headquarters. Yet, the true importance of this distant territory to Rome remains a subject of debate. Was it purely strategic, or did it hold deeper economic or symbolic value? Its true significance remains an open question.

Conclusion: Decolonizing the Narrative

Today, the ruins of Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa in Romania offer a glimpse into a once-thriving Roman settlement. Visitors can explore ancient forums, streets, and remnants of imperial ambitions. However, beyond the grandeur of Roman engineering lies a more profound story—the material legacy of imperial expansion. The transformation of Sarmizegetusa was not simply an urban project; it was an act of colonial domination that imposed a new order on conquered people. By reflecting on this history, we can challenge the traditional glorification of empire and consider the perspectives of those whose voices were silenced. Re-examining Rome’s legacy in Dacia through a decolonial lens deepens our understanding of the broader patterns of conquest, resistance, and cultural survival that continue to shape our world today.

The Ancient Ruins of Sarmizegetusa (Source: PeMeleaguri.ro)

For Further Reading

Bărbulescu, Mihai et al., Istoria României [History of Romania]. Bucharest: Corint Educațional, 2014. 

Cassius, Dio. Roman History, Books 67–68. Translated by Earnest Cary. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1925. 

Eutropius, Flavius. Breviarium Historiae Romanae. Translated by H.W. Bird. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1993.

MacKendrick, Paul. The Dacian Stones Speak. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1975.

Oțetea, Andrei. Istoria României [History of Romania]. Bucharest: Editura Științifică, 1970.