By Henrike Sausen

Disclaimer: The word ‘race’ is being used throughout the writing process as the correct game lore term in the literature and to ensure consistency. This is a reproduction and should be viewed with a critical eye.

After a stressful day, many people come home and, after a few clicks, dive into the digital realm to escape all the stress and problems. For many people, gaming is a big part of their everyday life, whether it’s on their computers, phones or consoles. They’re attracted by the interactive part of video games and their vast and beautifully crafted stories and graphic design. This post looks at how race and racism are portrayed in video games, with a focus on fantasy games. Games use ideas of race, capability and compatibility to create a world where the enemy is always easy to identify. There are lots of ways to look at this, from the objectification of cultural signs and practices, the way different skin colours are presented, and the way appearance and characteristics are connected.

Scholars in recent years have in some cases presented the Orcs as evil (Fergusson 2022) while others prefer to throw a wider net and focus on the presentation of Race and Otherness (Leonard 2003) and the concept of Essentialism (Monson 2012). David Leonard calls the 21^st century the era of video games as he sees the increasing availability of video games and their progression on a visual and in game level (Leonard 2003: 1). In addition to the monetary indicator for the popularity, studies are looking into the amount of people playing video games on a general basis. Around 65% of all American households enjoy video games from different genres (Monson 2012: 48). Scholars like David R. Dietrich argues for the need to integrate video games and their role into research: “What’s more, video games represent a new form of media, distinguished from the previous forms by the interactive element where game players have the ability to change and influence the game world” (Dietrich 2013: 82). Research regarding video games by Children Now found that over half of the analysed games show stereotypes. In general, they found a high number of presenting and reusing sexist, misogynistic, racist tropes and a lack of people of colour in their games (Leonard 2003: 1).

Scholars believe that one reason for this is the role of the game creators and designers, who are limited by their capacity in society and the constructs in which they grew up. Just as researchers need to reflect on their privileges and limitations, we should consider the people creating games and in which context it was produced. As Melissa Monson notes: “Here, it is the imagination of game developers that sets the parameters for the sociohistorical context in which the game takes place, rather than any overt attempt to replicate the real world.” (Monson 2012: 49)

Many tend to believe that fantasy-based video games are not subject to racism and the criticism discussed above, as they seem to be very distant from the real world. However, research shows that they are just as essentialist as their reality-based cousins. Analysis of MMORPG (Massively Multiplayer Online Role-Playing Games) such as World of Warcraft – the current number one in fantasy video games – show that criticism of racism can be traced and connected just as it does to any other media form: 

From the hate-filled bigotry of Blood Elves to racialized jokes (So an Orc walks into a bar…), to game encoded racial essentialism which determines alliances, language, intellect, temperament, occupation, strength, and technological aptitude, Azeroth (the fantasy-based realm of WoW) is ensconced in racial precepts (Monson 2012: 48).

In addition to in-game problems as discussed above are additional issues through the interaction between players outside the game. This will not be discussed at this point, but should be kept in mind, when talking about video games. The world of Fantasy authors is sometimes more obvious and sometimes less connected to the real world. The different groups in a story are often based on real-world areas, cultures and people (Monson 2012: 51). 

For the limited scope of this paper, one example from Baldur’s Gate 3 as a proxy, is presented. In general, it is to be noted that the critique can be applied to almost all fantasy video games, as they require the choosing of a race to be played by the gamer (comp. Monson 2012). With it comes a background story and characteristics, which will influence their game play but also interactions inside the game. A central issue is presented by Ferguson because “[t]he Dungeons and Dragons (D&D) game also saw controversy given that the game involves some monster ‘races’ such as orcs which are depicted as inherently evil”. (Ferguson 2022: 12400). The connection of race and attributes is what is central to the criticism, as it seems to follow theories and aspects of the real world. “The intertwining of recognizable cultural histories, epistemologies, and geographies encourage readers (and gamers alike) to suspend disbelief and accept the more fantastical elements of such stories” (Monson 2012: 53).

As discussed by Ferguson (2022) certain races in fantasy settings have more racial attributes, than others. He suspects that the Ethnocentrism lived in the real world translates into the virtual space and is reflected in the portrayal of certain races as evil or bad (Ferguson 2022: 12402). 

Against the background of the use of racial theories and the degrading and condescending characterisations based on appearance in the past, it becomes apparent that not only the physiological but also the character representation has to be a central point of criticism. To differentiate people by their appearance and their race, which in the fantasy world is more visible and often better explained, remains to be viewed critically. To connect characteristics to races and form strong stereotypes through it, that can easily be reproduced and sometimes very openly connect to real world cultures shows that racism and the use of Othering is common practice in fantasy.

This short post showed rather briefly how cultures are reproduced and used in game design and how concepts of racism and xenophobia are used to explain lore in the game world, without explaining the game further.

Bibliography

DIETRICH, D. (2013) Avatars of Whiteness: Racial Expression in Video Game Characters : IMMIGRATION AND RACE. Sociological Inquiry, 83(1), 82–105. 

Ferguson, C. (2022) Are orcs racist? Dungeons and Dragons, ethnocentrism, anxiety, and the depiction of “evil” monsters. Current Psychology (New Brunswick, N.J.), 42(15), 12400–12408. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-021-02551-4

Leonard, D. (2003) “Live in Your World, Play in Ours”: Race, Video Games, and Consuming the Other In: Studies in Media & Information Literacy Education. Volume 3, Issue 4 (November 2003). pp 1–9. DOI: 10.3138/sim.3.4.002.  

Monson, M. (2012) Race-Based Fantasy Realm: Essentialism in the World of Warcraft. In: Games and Culture. 7 (1). pp 48-71. DOI: 10.1177/1555412012440308 

By Adedoyin Kudehinbu

When I first set an eye on Sweden as my destination for a third degree, it was a mix of excitement and curiosity. Truth be told, I didn’t know much about the country beyond its capital, Stockholm. A city I’d proudly name whenever friends quizzed me on world capitals. My fascination with geography had always been strong, and this new adventure promised to be a thrilling addition to my story. The idea of studying abroad began as a vague dream, but as I delved into researching post-graduate programs, Sweden consistently popped up as an excellent choice.

Encouraged by glowing recommendations and the promise of world-class education, I navigated months of applications, sleepless nights, with anxious anticipation. When the acceptance letter finally came through, I was overjoyed but the reality of moving to a far colder and culturally different country soon set in. Landing at Copenhagen Airport on a calm Friday morning, I felt both exhilarated and exhausted after an 18-hour journey filled with layovers. Despite my fatigue, I knew I had to hurry to make it to Växjö in time for my school’s registration deadline. I booked a three-hour train ride and rolled my bags across the station. The cold hit me like a wave. It felt like I’d stepped into a giant freezer. Coming from Nigeria, a country of warm, sunny days and predictable weather, this was my first real encounter with Nordic winter. It was shocking and revitalizing all at once— a moment I’ll never forget.

Adjusting to life in Sweden has been an adventure. There are countless little joys that make the experience unique. One of the first things I noticed was the emphasis on personal space. You get to have more than one seat space to yourself on the bus. Initially I found it weird, why should a person choose to stand when there is clearly an empty seat beside me? It was difficult to wrap my head around, but I soon viewed it as a blessing, its more leg room and quiet for me anyway!

Sweden’s nature also captivated me. Coming from a two-season climate, witnessing the changing seasons here is awe-inspiring. Watching trees go from bare in winter to bursting with life in spring has become one of my favorite things. Another highlight is the courtesy I have experienced on the road. Seeing cars and buses stop for pedestrians at crosswalks is a refreshing change. While I always make eye contact with drivers to ensure safety, I never forget to wave in gratitude, it’s a simple act of kindness that warms my heart every time.

While life in Sweden has its perks, there are some things I deeply miss about home. One of the biggest is the sense of community. In Nigeria, communal living is part of our culture. There’s always someone around for a quick chat, a shared meal, or a neighborly favor. Here, I’ve often felt the isolation of individualism. It’s not uncommon to go days without bumping into anyone on my floor, and when I do, interactions are brief. Even though I live in a 19-story building I am often by myself on the elevator. Often, I hear my neighbor’s door open after mine has been shut, almost seem like they were waiting for me to exit the corridor to avoid little to no contact, that’s how less intrusive they are. Guess who now does the same. Yeah, you guessed right!

Another thing I miss dearly is African cuisine. There’s something irreplaceable about the taste and richness of Nigerian street food. From spicy suya to jollof rice to pounded yam and egusi soup, how about the locally made rich drinks like, tiger nuts and zobo, our meals are as flavorful as they are comforting. Finding the ingredients to recreate these dishes in Sweden has been challenging, which only deepens my longing for home. 

I equally miss the festive spirit of Nigeria. Back home, December is synonymous with festivities, beach outings, family gatherings, and lively parties. We call it ‘Detty December’, and it’s a whirlwind of joy and celebration. Looking out the snowy streets of Växjö, I know this year’s holiday season will be quieter, but I’m determined to make the most of it. As much as I miss home, I know that studying and living abroad is enriching my life in ways I never imagined. Every new experience, whether challenging or joyful, adds a unique chapter to my story.

Sweden is teaching me to embrace change, appreciate solitude, and find beauty in the unfamiliar. Life, after all, is a journey meant to be explored. And as I navigate the snow-covered streets of this Nordic country, I remind myself: variety truly is the spice of life. To anyone considering a similar leap, I say, pack your bags, keep an open mind, and prepare for a journey that will change your perspective forever. Here’s to new adventures, cultural exchanges, and the memories yet to be made!

By Felicia Ardelean

Introduction: Reframing the Roman Conquest

The Roman conquest of Dacia was more than just a military victory—it was a profound act of colonization that reshaped the region’s identity. While often framed as a story of civilization and progress, this transformation raises important questions about cultural erasure, power, and resistance. This blog post examines the contrast between Sarmizegetusa Regia, the sacred heart of Dacia, and Colonia Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, the Roman-imposed colony, to challenge dominant narratives of conquest and explore the lasting impacts of Roman imperialism through a decolonial lens.

Rome’s Triumph and Transformation

After intense wars (101–102 AD, 105–106 AD), Emperor Trajan conquered Dacia, reshaping its landscape. Dacian sanctuaries were destroyed, the native population declined significantly, and about 40.000 Roman troops settled in. Unlike other provinces, Dacia saw rapid colonization rather than gradual assimilation. Roman historian Flavius Eutropius documented this rapid transformation, with Sarmizegetusa serving as a notable example.

Two Sarmizegetusas: Dacian vs. Roman

Before the Roman conquest, Sarmizegetusa Regia was the capital and most significant military, religious, and political centre of the Dacian kingdom. Situated in the Orăștie Mountains, it served as the stronghold of Dacian kings, including Decebal, and housed grand sanctuaries dedicated to their deities. The city was heavily fortified, featuring an advanced defensive system and impressive stone structures.

Following Trajan’s victory in 106 AD, the Romans sought to establish their dominance by creating a new city: Colonia Ulpia Traiana Augusta Dacica Sarmizegetusa. This settlement, about 40 km away from the former Dacian capital, was built as a colony for Roman veterans and functioned as an administrative and economic centre rather than a capital in the modern sense. Unlike Sarmizegetusa Regia, which was a sacred and strategic centre for the Dacians, the Roman Sarmizegetusa symbolized colonization, urban planning, and the cultural transformation of Dacia.

 Map of the Two Sarmizegetusas (Source: istorieveche.ro)

A Symbolic Stronghold

The story of Dacia’s transformation is vividly depicted on Trajan’s Column in Rome. This monumental relief, completed in 113 AD, chronicles the conquest through detailed carvings of battles, fortifications, and Roman engineering achievements. While Colonia Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa itself is not explicitly represented, the column portrays key moments of Romanization, including military encampments, road construction, and the establishment of new settlements—elements essential to Dacia’s transformation.

Trajan’s campaign in Dacia, Sarmatian and Roman cavalry at battle during Trajan’s campaign in Dacia, relief from Trajan’s Column, Rome. (Source: Encyclopædia Britannica)

Founded in 106 AD, Colonia Ulpia Traiana Augusta Dacica Sarmizegetusa was more than a city—it was Rome’s statement of power. Strategically placed between Transylvania and the Danube, it also held symbolic weight, reclaiming the site of past Roman defeats. The Romans kept its Dacian name, cementing their rule over the former kingdom.

Initially a military fortress, it grew into an administrative and economic centre. Contrary to popular belief, it wasn’t the capital of Roman Dacia but served as the province’s administrative headquarters. Yet, the true importance of this distant territory to Rome remains a subject of debate. Was it purely strategic, or did it hold deeper economic or symbolic value? Its true significance remains an open question.

Conclusion: Decolonizing the Narrative

Today, the ruins of Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa in Romania offer a glimpse into a once-thriving Roman settlement. Visitors can explore ancient forums, streets, and remnants of imperial ambitions. However, beyond the grandeur of Roman engineering lies a more profound story—the material legacy of imperial expansion. The transformation of Sarmizegetusa was not simply an urban project; it was an act of colonial domination that imposed a new order on conquered people. By reflecting on this history, we can challenge the traditional glorification of empire and consider the perspectives of those whose voices were silenced. Re-examining Rome’s legacy in Dacia through a decolonial lens deepens our understanding of the broader patterns of conquest, resistance, and cultural survival that continue to shape our world today.

The Ancient Ruins of Sarmizegetusa (Source: PeMeleaguri.ro)

For Further Reading

Bărbulescu, Mihai et al., Istoria României [History of Romania]. Bucharest: Corint Educațional, 2014. 

Cassius, Dio. Roman History, Books 67–68. Translated by Earnest Cary. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1925. 

Eutropius, Flavius. Breviarium Historiae Romanae. Translated by H.W. Bird. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1993.

MacKendrick, Paul. The Dacian Stones Speak. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1975.

Oțetea, Andrei. Istoria României [History of Romania]. Bucharest: Editura Științifică, 1970.

By Hanna Jansson

The term ‘race’ in Swedish is rarely used, but if it is, for example in scientific contexts, it is used in quotation marks to signal that it is not an accepted term. The term thus has a somewhat different meaning in Swedish compared with, for example, the use of the term race in the USA. The concept of race has been declared invalid by contemporary science as it lacks scientific evidence, but despite this, people today are attributed different values based on these ideas. Racism, however, is thus very present in contemporary Sweden. Although the concept of race is ‘empty’, it is important to make differences in society that are based on the notion of race visibly, as it is present.

Source: https://www.science.org/content/article/geneticists-should-rethink-how-they-use-race-and-ethnicity-panel-urges (downloaded 2024-02-17)

In this understanding race does not exists, but racism does.  This can be shown in the Swedish society where in theory everyone has equal rights and opportunities, but not in practice. Government reports show that there is a difference between immigrants or non-whites and Swedes or whites. It has also been shown that Swedish citizens born in Sweden but still tend to be categorized as immigrants in everyday speech, because they have immigrant parents. The notion is that these individuals belong to ‘a different culture’, have a ‘different ethnicity’ and often have a ‘different skin color’. ‘They’ are thus neither in nor outside the categories ‘we’ and ‘Swedes’.

Ethnicity is a concept that has had a great impact and is widely used in various explanatory models in Swedish research within social science. It is used to explain differences between people in terms of behavior and characteristics. Thus, Ethnicity, like race, is about dividing individuals into groups to discuss the characteristics of different groups. Ethnicity is as ‘empty’ a concept as race, but is ‘politically correct’, and has nevertheless come to be used extensively. The difference is that ethnicity has its origins in culture and not racial biology. Ethnicity should therefore be used with caution.

There is a self-image in Sweden and a tendency to avoid the concept of race and racism. Recognizing the existence of racism would damage Swedish identity and therefore racism is neglected and/or denied. The concept of ethnicity to explain differences between people and to some extent phenomena such as xenophobia and racism is common today by scholars and in general. Replacing race with other terms has become more common among racists and xenophobes as well, but it is the same concept but in different words. 

Why do Swedes not talk about racism? This became clear when I examined a social studies textbook for the Swedish upper secondary school. Race and racism as phenomena were discussed, but without using the terms. In one paragraph it was described how immigrants have more difficulty entering the labor market and taking part in the Swedish welfare state, but structural racism was not mentioned. I think this has to do with what was described above. In some kind of zeal for goodness, desire for political correctness, and shame values that are considered ‘un-Swedish’ are a part of Swedish society. This has resulted in racist expressions being more difficult to identify and thus more difficult to combat.

Bibliography 

Eliassi, B. (2017) Conceptions of Immigrant Integration and Racism Among Social Workers in Sweden, Journal of Progressive Human Services, 28:1, 6-35, DOI: 10.1080/10428232.2017.1249242

Ericsson, Martin, (2016), Historisk forskning om rasism och främlingsfientlighet i Sverige: en analyserande kunskapsöversikt, Stockholm: Forum för levande historia.  

Fredrickson, George M., (2005), Rasism: en historisk översikt. Lund: Historiska media

Hübinette, Tobias (2017), ”Den färgblinda antirasismen slår tillbaka”, i: Hübinette, Tobias (red.), Ras och vithet: Svenska rasrelationer igår och idag, Stockholm. 

Karlsson, Lars-Olof (2011) Arena 123, Stockholm. 

Sernhede, Ove (2022) ”Etnicitet” i Christofer Edling & Fredril Liljefors (red.) Ett delat samhälle- Makt, interektionalitet och social skiktning. Stockholm. 

Wasniowski, Andréaz,, (2017), ”Rasismens former – om vetenskapligt och ideologiskt tänkande”, i: Hübinette, Tobias (red.), Ras och vithet: Svenska rasrelationer igår och idag, Stockholm. 

By Philemon Arens

The article that sparked my interest in the topic of my Master’s thesis deals with the idea of decolonial justice and the reparations proposed by the CARICOM Reparations Justice Program. The need for a decolonial justice approach is crucial, as the conceptualization of justice stems from a European epistemology created to justify colonial crimes. However, an honest conversation in a postcolonial context can only be held when the repressive system is abandoned. “Hence, to repair means to restore not only the legal dignity of the subject but to recognize the Other as equal” (Atiles-Osoria 2018: 364). A central notion is that “justice operates through recognition, generosity, and the ability to feel for/with the Other” (ibid., 350).

This idea is connected to Kora Andrieu’s outline of apologies: “the acknowledgment of a wrongdoing, the acceptance of one’s responsibility, and the expression of sorrow and regret for it” (2009: 5) with the aim of forgiveness. This can also be problematic when self-redemption becomes more critical than the role and voice of the victims (e.g., Czollek 2023). Andrieu touches upon this issue with the example of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), whose focus lay on “restoration and forgiveness,” pressuring victims to forgive (2009: 7). The TRC emphasized convincing victims to grant forgiveness, thereby granting amnesty to the perpetrators.(Bevernage 2011: 53).

Andrieu argues that reconciliation results from several factors such as “criminal justice policies, truth commissions, reparations, and reforms” (2009: 8). She points toward the power of apologies, when done properly, not to close the book but rather to open the conversation (ibid., 13). This aligns with the change in the power paradigm where the victim is now at the center and the perpetrator is at the margin (ibid.: 16-17). This connects to the idea that the non-beings are lifted from that realm into the seen, drawing on Fanon, Césaire, and Maldonado-Torres (Atiles-Osoria 2018: 350).

The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission has also been criticized by notable scholars such as Jacques Derrida, who stated that the TRC could transform into a tool for “exercise in forgetting” (Bevernage 2011: 48), thus hindering a conversation about the past or opening a space for mourning. It can go so far as to exclude victims from the “new South Africa” if they are unwilling to forgive, blaming them for hindering the rebuilding of the nation (ibid.: 60), thus leaving almost no space for recognition of hurt or reparations.

References

Andrieu, Kora (2009) Sorry for the Genocide: How Public Apologies can help Promote National Reconciliation. In: Millennium: Journal of International Studies, 38(1) pp 3-23.

Atiles-Osoria, José (2018) Colonial state crimes and the CARICOM mobilization for reparation and justice. In: State Crimes 7(4), pp: 349-368.

Bevernage, Berber (2011) History, Memory, and State-Sponsored Violence: Time and Justice. London: Taylor & Francis Group.

Czollek, Max (2023) Versöhnungstheater. Munich: Carl Hanser Verlag.

By Dimitris Diamantis

The trilogy of The Lord of the Rings is a tale about the fight between good and evil. The Dark Lord Sauron has created an army to conquer the world. He needs the Ring of Power to accomplish his goal of obtaining the power he desires. At the same time, Frodo, the protagonist who has acquired the Ruling Ring, starts his journey to destroy it, accompanied by the Fellowship of the Ring, a small group of warriors.

Interestingly, we can trace some features of colonial narratives in this tale by examining the poem that is engraved on the Ring:

“Three Rings for the Elven-kings under the sky,
Seven for the Dwarf-lords in their halls of stone,
Nine for Mortal Men doomed to die,
One for the Dark Lord on his dark throne
In the Land of Mordor where the Shadows lie.
One Ring to rule them all, One Ring to find them,
One Ring to bring them all and in the darkness bind them
In the Land of Mordor where the Shadows lie.” [i]

By analyzing the poem, the reader can comprehend the purpose of the Ring. The Ring can give its owner the absolute power to dominate others. Hence, it can be seen as a metaphor for colonial rule, describing the domination of Europeans over the rest of the world. The Ring, as a symbol of absolute power, gives its creator the ability to conquer the world. Similarly, European nations relied on their weapons, economy, and civilization to dominate the rest of the world. [ii]

At the same time, they gave the illusion that others had a share of power, but they operated as Europe’s vassals. In other words, we could read this poem as a metaphor for European dominance over the world. Indeed, it is no coincidence that three of the main heroes come from the races being ruled. Thus, we could say that the three races in Tolkien’s work represent the populations and cultures of the continents that came under European rule and now try to oppose it by destroying the source of its power.

We can trace Mignolo’s concept of decolonialism within the tale of The Lord of the Rings. Mignolo claims that decolonialism not only refers to the independence movements of colonies, but also to the task of decoloniality: to decolonize knowledge and to delink it from the notion of European dominance. [iii] Furthermore, the distinction among races should not be overlooked, as the one assigned to destroy the Ring does not belong to those races. It is implied that these races have been corrupted by power. Thus, the hobbits could function as a symbol for the native populations who are often labeled as uncivilized [vi], whose existence and way of life are often ignored by dominant sources [v], just as the existence of hobbits is unknown even to the older and wiser beings such as the Ents:

“What are you, I wonder? I cannot place you. You do not seem to come in the old lists that I learned when I was young.”[vi]

[i] J. R. R. Tolkien and J. R. R. Tolkien, The Fellowship of the Ring, 2. ed.,
[renewed], The Lord of the Rings / by J. R. R. Tolkien 1 (Boston, Mass:
Houghton Mifflin, 1993). P. 66

[ii] Bill Ashcroft author, Postcolonial Studies: The Key Concepts, Third
edition, Routledge Key Guides (London; New York, New York:
Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, Routledge, 2013).P. 140

[iii] Walter D. Mignolo and Catherine E. Walsh, On Decoloniality:
Concepts, Analytics, Praxis (Durham, UNITED STATES: Duke
University Press, 2018),http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/linne-
ebooks/detail.action?docID=5400137. P. 121

[iv] Bill Ashcroft author, Postcolonial Studies. P.174

[v] Diana Brydon, Peter Forsgren, and Gonlüg Fur, Concurrent
Imaginaries, Postcolonial Worlds: Toward Revised Histories (Boston,
UNITED STATES: BRILL, 2017),
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/linne-ebooks/detail.action?
docID=5024368. Pp. 40-41

[vi] J R R Tolkien (John Ronald Reuel), The Two Towers: Being the
Second Part of The Lord of the Rings, 2. ed.., Tolkien, J. R. R. (John
Ronald Reuel), 1892-1973. Lord of the Rings (1986) ; Pt. 2 (Boston:
Houghton Mifflin Co, 1993). Pp. 67-8