China Research

A discussion forum on emerging markets, mainly China – from a macro, micro, institutional and corporate angle.

Poland – why it succeeded so far

January 13, 2016

Newspapers and politicians all over the world currently show a high degree of disappointment about Poland’s political development after last year’s general elections. Fears of markedly reduced democracy are expressed quite loudly. Economists, however, are more silent. This fact may confirm once more that foreign analysts at financial institutions and elsewhere usually are not well informed about economies outside the traditional OECD area (though Poland nowadays is an OECD country). This is – by the way – also true of China for which herd analysis usually dominates even outside the country, particularly among most financial players.

In my view, recent developments in Poland should not be underestimated. Poland’s strong emerging role during the transition to a working market economy was indeed impressive. Poland was even the first country among the former planned economies in (South) Eastern Europe that reached pre-1989 GDP levels. I have seen Poland’s impressive development many times with my own eyes since its opening-up in 1990.

The secret behind Poland’s success story until recently was without doubt that Poland – more or less – never moved backward in its reform policy. Sometimes Poland moved somewhat more to left of the road, sometimes a little more to the right – and the pace of reforms was during certain periods quite slow and during other periods more accelerated.

But the direction was always forward – and never really backward! This is probably the most important explanation of Poland’s political and economic recovery in the past 25 years. My own research has also confirmed in a number of studies that reliable and steady – sometimes quite slow – moves forward usually mean more to sustained economic growth than a mixture of fast structural improvements and following setbacks.

So, why should Poland want to jeopardize its achieved, good international credibility position? Foreign companies have invested a lot in Poland and, thus, contributed strongly to Poland’s fairly good international competitiveness. In other words: it should not be ruled out that reality and memory can take this quite large European country back to frameworks that are in line with nowadays valid European standards. However, good psychological feeling should be applied – particularly by Poland’s partners in the EU and in NATO. Such a position seems to be more promising than threats – if I understand Polish mentality correctly.

Anyway, the analysis of Poland’s political and economic development should be intensified in many international institutes and commercial organizations. We should keep in mind that Poland is an important European country – though often underestimated.

 

Hubert Fromlet
Senior Professor of International Economics, Linnaeus University
Editorial board

 

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What’s Next for the Commodity Supercycle?

March 4, 2015

As crude oil prices have plunged in recent months, there has been a lot of talk about the end of the commodity supercycle. For those of us who trade in other commodities, or follow the Chinese economy, this realization is a bit late. Many commodities have already gone through the correction that is now facing crude oil, and many lessons can be learned by their experience. However, oil, like all commodities, will have characteristics that are all its own. This article lays out a history of recent commodity price movements – first violently up and now just as violently down – and insights on why they occurred. The next move for commodities is likely to be a considerable period of consolidation, with prices trading in a narrower range as both suppliers and consumers of commodities adjust to the interim new normal of a rough balance between supply and demand. We see another explosion in commodity prices on the far horizon as the next wave of global consumers – with an impact even larger than China’s entry – make their way onto the world stage.

For us, the global commodity supercycle began on July 20, 2005, which was the day that the Chinese government first allowed the yuan to appreciate from its long fixed ratio of 8.28 to the dollar. The Hu-Wen Government was in the third year of their leadership and was beginning to implement their policies of expanding into the west. Allowing the yuan to appreciate both tamed the American anger over alleged currency manipulation and forced coastal provinces to move up the technological ladder as labor costs rose. The advances China enjoyed since its admission to the WTO in 2000 would now spread from the 300 million beneficiaries in the coastal provinces and cities to the additional billion Chinese living inland.

From mid-2005 to mid-2008 the yuan appreciated roughly 20%, at the same time China’s nominal GDP growth was averaging about 20% per year. As a result, China’s buying power in dollars – the currency of international exchange for all commodities – accelerated from a 15% growth rate in early 2005 to over 35% just before the Lehman crisis. Booming real GDP growth and a soaring ability to pay made China the price setter for all commodities – and the major global purchaser of just about all kinds of resources. Iron ore consumption more than trebled from 14% of the world’s production in 2000 to 61% in 2010. Soybeans more than doubled from 23% to 59%; copper from 13% to 29%; coal from virtually no imports in 2000 to 15% of the world supply by 2010. By 2011, China was consuming more than 25% of the world’s supply of nearly everything – except oil, which languished at a paltry 10% roughly in line with China’s share of world GDP.

With China as the world’s biggest purchaser, the commodity supercycle was not derailed by the Lehman crisis. To the contrary, as the financial markets of the western world collapsed, China merely stopped its steady currency appreciation. However, as the result of the massive 4 trillion yuan stimulus in early 2009, nominal GDP growth – which is to say buying power for commodities — had rebounded to 18%, with real growth near 9%. By mid-2010, with the economy booming again and inflation running near double digits, China again began to appreciate the yuan – stemming growth and inflation at home, while increasing its international buying power for ever more expensive commodities. With China running red hot, global supply of commodities still had not caught up with demand and prices moved higher as the invisible hand worked to call out new technologies and exploration of more remote regions.

The day the Supercycle died was March 11, 2011 – the day the Japanese tsunami unexpectedly disrupted supply chains across much of Asia. The budding recoveries in the US and Europe, which started after the first round of the Greek crisis in 2010, were put on hold. Meanwhile, commodities production which had been whipped ever higher by prices finally caught up with demand as world growth paused. Virtually every major commodity hit a peak sometime in early 2011. Copper (the metal with the PhD in economics) top ticked in February and retested that high in August. Gold, silver and cotton all hit record highs. Grains faded, then temporarily made fresh highs in the spring of 2012 on poor harvests, but ultimately declined. Aluminum, platinum and crude oil, which had not recovered to pre-Lehman highs, started their descent. Oil has fared better than most commodities since 2011, in part because the tsunami’s shutdown of the Japanese nuclear reactors provided a final surge in demand that was not experienced by any other product.

On the backside of a commodity cycle, falling prices seek to drive out the marginal producer – which in the short run means the operator with the highest variable costs. With fixed costs high for many commodities, due to land and the sunk cost of capital investment, variable costs are generally far lower than the price previously needed to call out new production. Moreover, the costs of inputs for commodities production tend to tumble along with output, so variable costs decline rapidly in a correction. The experience across many commodities shows us that the bottom generally comes above the price needed back in 2005 to first call out new supply. Corn has bottomed near $3.30, its low in 2007 and 2009. Aluminum broke out from $1750 and bottomed there in late 2013. Similarly, platinum broke out and has retreated to $1200. Silver, cotton and natural gas have similar charts. Oil below $$60 appears to have met this condition. Copper and gold have avoided a complete retreat – so far.

As in a financial crisis, it is often the margin clerks – the bankers – who decide who survives and who does not. At the bottom, those firms with the strongest hands are able to pick up bargains. In past cycles, the winners with strong hands have tended to be industry participants with the knowledge and moxie to take on the risk of shattered competitors. Currently, due to the surplus of savings still available in the world – and zero interest rates for risk free investments – there are more financial players snapping up assets hoping to sell to operators later.

It is our view that the $50 a barrel decline in oil prices is just what the global economy needed to spark a worldwide recovery. At 80 million barrels a day, this tax cut – financed by the oil producers – is equivalent to $1.5 trillion a year, or 2% of world GDP. That’s a fairly robust stimulus by normal Keynesian standards. Most critical for commodities is whether the decline in prices will re-ignite growth in China, the world’s biggest consumer. We believe that Chinese growth faded to 4% last year – as indicated by electricity use – and will rebound to closer to 7% in 2015. Stronger Chinese demand should help stabilize commodity prices, but we expect the next rise is still a ways off as many resource producers are being acquired at deep discounts financed by near zero money.

 

The real spark for the next commodity cycle is likely to come from a broadening of global demand into the next tier of Asian producers – Indonesia, the Philippines, Vietnam, the next 100 million employees in India and the remainder of rural China. These populations combined are larger than the initial development of the Chinese coast or the first push inland. Chinese growth started slowly when Deng Xiaoping allowed Guangdong province to tap into the capital and managerial expertise of Hong Kong. The experiment accelerated when the opening to WTO brought in more foreign capital to the mainland and managers spread their local knowledge to China’s east coast. Under Hu and Wen, that success was forced inland by currency appreciation and infrastructure investment.

Now, under Xi and Li, China appears ready to go out and share its system of success with anyone willing to accept their money and immigrant labor. Bottom line, the population of educated managers, like the supply of previously scarce commodities, has caught up with world demand – and the price of developing the next tier of global expansion is declining. These new nations, like China in 2000, have low incomes and a voracious appetite for commodities. Moreover, the techniques the Chinese will teach are likely to be commodity intensive – as you teach what you know. Thus, we expect another commodity super cycle on the far horizon as better global growth raises all boats.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Michael Drury
Chief Economist, McVean Trading & Investments

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The “Hype” on Infrastructure Investment in Developing Economies and Emerging Markets: Too Much of a Good Thing?

December 3, 2014

Assumed underinvestment in infrastructure is not only a political issue in developed countries, for instance, in Europe. For quite some time, it has also been identified as a major impediment of growth in developing countries and emerging markets. The World Bank has estimated the need for annual infrastructure expenditure (including maintenance) of about 7% of GDP in these countries. The gap between current funds available from the established development banks and from the budgets of the countries and the amount needed has been estimated at more than 1 trill. US $.

The reasons for the reluctance of the banks to invest more in infrastructure are well-known. There are chicken-and-egg-problems between public and private investment with the risk that the sequence of public investment first and private investment later leaves the countries with highways in no-men’s land without private investors. Furthermore, there are long gestation periods with technical indivisibilities resulting in lump-sum investment and cluster risks, problems of ensuring that the maintenance costs are at least partly financed from the countries’ budgets, maturity mismatches in financing long-term investment with short-term funds with the risk that refinancing leads to an unexpected debt burden, and, finally, there is the fact that infrastructure investment benefits the construction sector which is normally seen as a non-traded service. So, there is little competition and productivity increases if building the infrastructure is either in the hands of the donors (quasi “tied aid”) or of domestic companies trying to defend the domestic market against foreign competitors which would bring also foreign labor into the country.

Now, very recently, there has been a number of initiatives from the emerging markets’ side to close the gap. In July 2014, five leading emerging markets (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) established the New Development Bank (“BRICS Bank”) targeted not only as a substitute to the IMF as stand-by agency but also as a bank to finance infrastructure. In October 2014, the Chinese government paved the way to the foundation of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) with 21 APEC countries (excluding the US, Australia, South Korea and Indonesia), and in November 2014, the Chinese government offered to pour 40 Bill. US $ into a “New Silk Road Fund” to break connectivity bottlenecks in Asia – including maritime infrastructure.

The common denominator in these initiatives is China, the no. 3 in world exports of construction services, next to the EU and South Korea. Yet, China’s active role has not been without self-serving motives. It has suffered strongly from declines in its construction exports in 2012 and 2013 due to the remnants of the 2008 financial and economic crisis and hopes that the new funds pave the way for a recovery of its construction exports.

Host countries are aware that China finances infrastructure investment in developing countries and emerging markets under income and employment targets on the one hand and under strategic targets of access to resources on the other hand. A third target is omnipresent: becoming independent of transport routes controlled by the developed countries. All these targets must not necessarily match with those of the host countries. Building highways in Brazil, for instance, with thousands of Chinese workers, would certainly meet resistance from local suppliers and the population, and could turn into idle capacities if declining world market prices and technological innovations make the extraction of resources unprofitable. Another caveat is finance. Should loans be given in the Chinese currency RMB while the returns from infrastructure investment are in local currency of the host country, then an appreciation of the RMB against the host country’s currency would create an expensive currency mismatch for the host country.

Finally, apart from China’s role, the key chicken-and-egg problem still is unsolved. How much infrastructure investment is needed to attract private investment and how can a blackmailing dilemma for the public budgets be avoided if the private sector demands a generous endowment with infrastructure as a prerequisite for private investment but for whatever reasons do not deliver once the infrastructure has been built? Linking public and private investment through private-public partnership arrangements could perhaps ease the blackmailing dilemma.

After many years of obvious neglect of infrastructure investment, the pendulum seems to shift in the opposite direction. Now, infrastructure investment is hailed as an important source of economic growth and in times of super-expansionary monetary policies financial resources seem abundant. However, there can be too much of a good thing and good things can turn sour if the monetary and economic environment changes. In particular, host countries should be aware of exuberance, “white elephants”, and self-serving interests of non-traditional donors.

Open resentment about the traditional Western donor agencies should not cloud the sight that also in “South-South” relationship between emerging markets and developing countries, free lunches are very rare.

 

 

 

 

Rolf J. Langhammer
Kiel Institute for the World Economy

 

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