China Research

A discussion forum on emerging markets, mainly China – from a macro, micro, institutional and corporate angle.

What’s Next for the Commodity Supercycle?

March 4, 2015

As crude oil prices have plunged in recent months, there has been a lot of talk about the end of the commodity supercycle. For those of us who trade in other commodities, or follow the Chinese economy, this realization is a bit late. Many commodities have already gone through the correction that is now facing crude oil, and many lessons can be learned by their experience. However, oil, like all commodities, will have characteristics that are all its own. This article lays out a history of recent commodity price movements – first violently up and now just as violently down – and insights on why they occurred. The next move for commodities is likely to be a considerable period of consolidation, with prices trading in a narrower range as both suppliers and consumers of commodities adjust to the interim new normal of a rough balance between supply and demand. We see another explosion in commodity prices on the far horizon as the next wave of global consumers – with an impact even larger than China’s entry – make their way onto the world stage.

For us, the global commodity supercycle began on July 20, 2005, which was the day that the Chinese government first allowed the yuan to appreciate from its long fixed ratio of 8.28 to the dollar. The Hu-Wen Government was in the third year of their leadership and was beginning to implement their policies of expanding into the west. Allowing the yuan to appreciate both tamed the American anger over alleged currency manipulation and forced coastal provinces to move up the technological ladder as labor costs rose. The advances China enjoyed since its admission to the WTO in 2000 would now spread from the 300 million beneficiaries in the coastal provinces and cities to the additional billion Chinese living inland.

From mid-2005 to mid-2008 the yuan appreciated roughly 20%, at the same time China’s nominal GDP growth was averaging about 20% per year. As a result, China’s buying power in dollars – the currency of international exchange for all commodities – accelerated from a 15% growth rate in early 2005 to over 35% just before the Lehman crisis. Booming real GDP growth and a soaring ability to pay made China the price setter for all commodities – and the major global purchaser of just about all kinds of resources. Iron ore consumption more than trebled from 14% of the world’s production in 2000 to 61% in 2010. Soybeans more than doubled from 23% to 59%; copper from 13% to 29%; coal from virtually no imports in 2000 to 15% of the world supply by 2010. By 2011, China was consuming more than 25% of the world’s supply of nearly everything – except oil, which languished at a paltry 10% roughly in line with China’s share of world GDP.

With China as the world’s biggest purchaser, the commodity supercycle was not derailed by the Lehman crisis. To the contrary, as the financial markets of the western world collapsed, China merely stopped its steady currency appreciation. However, as the result of the massive 4 trillion yuan stimulus in early 2009, nominal GDP growth – which is to say buying power for commodities — had rebounded to 18%, with real growth near 9%. By mid-2010, with the economy booming again and inflation running near double digits, China again began to appreciate the yuan – stemming growth and inflation at home, while increasing its international buying power for ever more expensive commodities. With China running red hot, global supply of commodities still had not caught up with demand and prices moved higher as the invisible hand worked to call out new technologies and exploration of more remote regions.

The day the Supercycle died was March 11, 2011 – the day the Japanese tsunami unexpectedly disrupted supply chains across much of Asia. The budding recoveries in the US and Europe, which started after the first round of the Greek crisis in 2010, were put on hold. Meanwhile, commodities production which had been whipped ever higher by prices finally caught up with demand as world growth paused. Virtually every major commodity hit a peak sometime in early 2011. Copper (the metal with the PhD in economics) top ticked in February and retested that high in August. Gold, silver and cotton all hit record highs. Grains faded, then temporarily made fresh highs in the spring of 2012 on poor harvests, but ultimately declined. Aluminum, platinum and crude oil, which had not recovered to pre-Lehman highs, started their descent. Oil has fared better than most commodities since 2011, in part because the tsunami’s shutdown of the Japanese nuclear reactors provided a final surge in demand that was not experienced by any other product.

On the backside of a commodity cycle, falling prices seek to drive out the marginal producer – which in the short run means the operator with the highest variable costs. With fixed costs high for many commodities, due to land and the sunk cost of capital investment, variable costs are generally far lower than the price previously needed to call out new production. Moreover, the costs of inputs for commodities production tend to tumble along with output, so variable costs decline rapidly in a correction. The experience across many commodities shows us that the bottom generally comes above the price needed back in 2005 to first call out new supply. Corn has bottomed near $3.30, its low in 2007 and 2009. Aluminum broke out from $1750 and bottomed there in late 2013. Similarly, platinum broke out and has retreated to $1200. Silver, cotton and natural gas have similar charts. Oil below $$60 appears to have met this condition. Copper and gold have avoided a complete retreat – so far.

As in a financial crisis, it is often the margin clerks – the bankers – who decide who survives and who does not. At the bottom, those firms with the strongest hands are able to pick up bargains. In past cycles, the winners with strong hands have tended to be industry participants with the knowledge and moxie to take on the risk of shattered competitors. Currently, due to the surplus of savings still available in the world – and zero interest rates for risk free investments – there are more financial players snapping up assets hoping to sell to operators later.

It is our view that the $50 a barrel decline in oil prices is just what the global economy needed to spark a worldwide recovery. At 80 million barrels a day, this tax cut – financed by the oil producers – is equivalent to $1.5 trillion a year, or 2% of world GDP. That’s a fairly robust stimulus by normal Keynesian standards. Most critical for commodities is whether the decline in prices will re-ignite growth in China, the world’s biggest consumer. We believe that Chinese growth faded to 4% last year – as indicated by electricity use – and will rebound to closer to 7% in 2015. Stronger Chinese demand should help stabilize commodity prices, but we expect the next rise is still a ways off as many resource producers are being acquired at deep discounts financed by near zero money.

 

The real spark for the next commodity cycle is likely to come from a broadening of global demand into the next tier of Asian producers – Indonesia, the Philippines, Vietnam, the next 100 million employees in India and the remainder of rural China. These populations combined are larger than the initial development of the Chinese coast or the first push inland. Chinese growth started slowly when Deng Xiaoping allowed Guangdong province to tap into the capital and managerial expertise of Hong Kong. The experiment accelerated when the opening to WTO brought in more foreign capital to the mainland and managers spread their local knowledge to China’s east coast. Under Hu and Wen, that success was forced inland by currency appreciation and infrastructure investment.

Now, under Xi and Li, China appears ready to go out and share its system of success with anyone willing to accept their money and immigrant labor. Bottom line, the population of educated managers, like the supply of previously scarce commodities, has caught up with world demand – and the price of developing the next tier of global expansion is declining. These new nations, like China in 2000, have low incomes and a voracious appetite for commodities. Moreover, the techniques the Chinese will teach are likely to be commodity intensive – as you teach what you know. Thus, we expect another commodity super cycle on the far horizon as better global growth raises all boats.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Michael Drury
Chief Economist, McVean Trading & Investments

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The “Hype” on Infrastructure Investment in Developing Economies and Emerging Markets: Too Much of a Good Thing?

December 3, 2014

Assumed underinvestment in infrastructure is not only a political issue in developed countries, for instance, in Europe. For quite some time, it has also been identified as a major impediment of growth in developing countries and emerging markets. The World Bank has estimated the need for annual infrastructure expenditure (including maintenance) of about 7% of GDP in these countries. The gap between current funds available from the established development banks and from the budgets of the countries and the amount needed has been estimated at more than 1 trill. US $.

The reasons for the reluctance of the banks to invest more in infrastructure are well-known. There are chicken-and-egg-problems between public and private investment with the risk that the sequence of public investment first and private investment later leaves the countries with highways in no-men’s land without private investors. Furthermore, there are long gestation periods with technical indivisibilities resulting in lump-sum investment and cluster risks, problems of ensuring that the maintenance costs are at least partly financed from the countries’ budgets, maturity mismatches in financing long-term investment with short-term funds with the risk that refinancing leads to an unexpected debt burden, and, finally, there is the fact that infrastructure investment benefits the construction sector which is normally seen as a non-traded service. So, there is little competition and productivity increases if building the infrastructure is either in the hands of the donors (quasi “tied aid”) or of domestic companies trying to defend the domestic market against foreign competitors which would bring also foreign labor into the country.

Now, very recently, there has been a number of initiatives from the emerging markets’ side to close the gap. In July 2014, five leading emerging markets (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) established the New Development Bank (“BRICS Bank”) targeted not only as a substitute to the IMF as stand-by agency but also as a bank to finance infrastructure. In October 2014, the Chinese government paved the way to the foundation of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) with 21 APEC countries (excluding the US, Australia, South Korea and Indonesia), and in November 2014, the Chinese government offered to pour 40 Bill. US $ into a “New Silk Road Fund” to break connectivity bottlenecks in Asia – including maritime infrastructure.

The common denominator in these initiatives is China, the no. 3 in world exports of construction services, next to the EU and South Korea. Yet, China’s active role has not been without self-serving motives. It has suffered strongly from declines in its construction exports in 2012 and 2013 due to the remnants of the 2008 financial and economic crisis and hopes that the new funds pave the way for a recovery of its construction exports.

Host countries are aware that China finances infrastructure investment in developing countries and emerging markets under income and employment targets on the one hand and under strategic targets of access to resources on the other hand. A third target is omnipresent: becoming independent of transport routes controlled by the developed countries. All these targets must not necessarily match with those of the host countries. Building highways in Brazil, for instance, with thousands of Chinese workers, would certainly meet resistance from local suppliers and the population, and could turn into idle capacities if declining world market prices and technological innovations make the extraction of resources unprofitable. Another caveat is finance. Should loans be given in the Chinese currency RMB while the returns from infrastructure investment are in local currency of the host country, then an appreciation of the RMB against the host country’s currency would create an expensive currency mismatch for the host country.

Finally, apart from China’s role, the key chicken-and-egg problem still is unsolved. How much infrastructure investment is needed to attract private investment and how can a blackmailing dilemma for the public budgets be avoided if the private sector demands a generous endowment with infrastructure as a prerequisite for private investment but for whatever reasons do not deliver once the infrastructure has been built? Linking public and private investment through private-public partnership arrangements could perhaps ease the blackmailing dilemma.

After many years of obvious neglect of infrastructure investment, the pendulum seems to shift in the opposite direction. Now, infrastructure investment is hailed as an important source of economic growth and in times of super-expansionary monetary policies financial resources seem abundant. However, there can be too much of a good thing and good things can turn sour if the monetary and economic environment changes. In particular, host countries should be aware of exuberance, “white elephants”, and self-serving interests of non-traditional donors.

Open resentment about the traditional Western donor agencies should not cloud the sight that also in “South-South” relationship between emerging markets and developing countries, free lunches are very rare.

 

 

 

 

Rolf J. Langhammer
Kiel Institute for the World Economy

 

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Japan’s (Abenomics’) Failure – are there Growing Risks for other Asian Countries and the World Economy?

In the third quarter, Japan’s economy tumbled again into a recession. “Abenomics” – i.e. the economic program of prime minister Shinzo Abe (LDP) – proved to be a failure. Expressed very briefly, “Abenomics” means that the Bank of Japan (Nippon Ginko) two years ago was committed to massively print money in completely uncharted waters in order to combat the long-lasting deflationary problem.

Furthermore, Abe wanted to do something about the excessive government debt (more than 240 % of GDP), for example by raising the VAT from 5 to 8 last April – a measure that obviously contributed to the current recession and made Japanese consumers even more reluctant. For this reason, another planned VAT hike has been postponed.

Bad advice

One of the intellectual fathers of “Abenomics” was Nobel Prize winner Paul Krugman who during a long time had complained about Japan’s “irresponsible monetary policy” (and who also had accused the Swedish Riksbank for a similar failure – and who, unfortunately, has quite a number of supporters among Swedish academics and financial analysts). The idea of the whole experiment was to print money in borderless amounts for government expenditure – government expenditure that should give positive multiplier effects on consumers and private corporate investors. Furthermore, some inflation should be created this way.

Today, it seems to be obvious that the Krugman-/Abe-experiment has failed. Extreme monetary expansion cannot work in the long run and never replace a structurally well-founded growth/supply side policy. If it was that easy…Something to remember in Sweden and in Frankfurt (ECB) as well.

It would be good idea if the world listened less to Krugman and consortes. With quite some luck, the previous monetarization in the U.S. by the Fed may be managed without major distortions. Janet Yellen understands economics. But Japan and Europe (ECB; Sweden included) function quite differently and have probably very different reactions functions for increased liquidity.

M x V = P x Q

Old fundamentals may help. Let’s for example, look at Irving Fisher’s so-called “equation of exchange” (1911): M x V = P x Q (M = money in circulation, money supply, V = velocity of money circulation, P = price level, Q = expenditures in real terms).

In our context, V, P and Q are the interesting variables. V stands for the average frequency that one unit of the currency/money is spent. An important point in this context is the fact that the “equation of exchange” is an identity equation which means that it is always valid whatever number you put in it. Consequently, the new number for V is not known in advance when M is changed. The same can be said about P (inflation) and Q. These simple facts make the effects of strongly extended money supply uncertain and, consequently, the whole basket of different kinds of quantitative easing (QE) – an instrument which central banks so actively apply these days or intend to use as an instrument for better growth and higher inflation (the Riksbank, unfortunately, included).

Now, in order to make the whole process of monetarization work, it is necessary that the velocity of money circulation increases visibly. Consumers and investors should be willing to spend more money more rapidly. And here we come finally to the point: consumers and investors must believe in the future. This is about behavioral economics.

Behavioral economics needs more attention

In the Japanese case, this necessary condition for a successful expansion of the money supply is not there. The Japanese are not showing enough confidence in the future. This is why any continuation of Abenomics will fail again under current structural conditions. A new policy failure – and the economic outlook for the currently third largest economy in the world will worsen much more.

In this case: at some point – within the forthcoming decade – negative contagion from Japan on other Asian countries and the whole global economy could happen. Consequently, the next Japanese government has to think more about giving real confidence in the economic future. So far, 25 years have gone without positive results. Institutional economics and the lack of behavioral studies explain a lot of this ineffective economic policy.

Economic history tells us that printing money and other liquidity-creating measures never really could cure long-term problems in the real economy.

This is indeed an important experience that academic researchers, decision-makers in central banks/governments and on financial markets should remember more actively.

 

Hubert Fromlet
Senior Professor of International Economics, Linnaeus University
Editorial board

 

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