China Research

A discussion forum on emerging markets, mainly China – from a macro, micro, institutional and corporate angle.

How the Euro Connection could Boost Russian Asset Prices

October 3, 2012

One of today’s puzzles is the low valuation of Russian equities. On average, these cost just 6 times the expected profits of 2012, while Canadian stocks trade at 15 times earnings and Norwegian stocks at 12 times, to mention just the two commodity producing countries which lie in the same climate zone. The message from the price-to-book ratios is similar: if a company is attractive for investors, the ratio should be well above 1. But Russian stocks average only 0.85 whereas Canadian and Norwegian stocks trade at 1.85 and 1.58.

Creating conditions that bring valuations on par with those of other stock markets would do wonders for the country’s spending on capital goods, including foreign direct investment, the growth rate of real GDP and thus for the standard of living.

One way to achieve this is to create an institutional framework similar to that of the democracies of Western Europe. This is just as important as broadening Russia’s production base and reducing its dependency on raw materials. Indeed, a comprehensive and state-of-the-art institutional framework is probably the precondition for that sort of structural change. Economists emphasize more and more the role of institutions in development, such as independent courts, media, regulators and central banks, a fair and efficient tax system, genuine opposition parties which have a reasonable chance to oust the existing government in secret ballots, an incorruptible bureaucracy, good and affordable kindergartens, schools and universities, a well-maintained infrastructure, and so on.

Russia has serious deficiencies in all these areas and pays the price in the form of undervalued equities and real estate. In spite of its enviable endowment with natural resources it is an unnecessarily poor country.

One approach to improve things is to use the European Union’s “Acquis communautaire” as a guide for institutional reform. Norway and Turkey, very successful economies for some years now, have done this – without being members of the EU. The Acquis covers the EU Treaty, the whole body of laws, decrees and guidelines passed by EU institutions as well as the judgments of the European courts. These are binding for all 27 countries, and new members have to fully adopt them. Dauntingly, the complete edition of the text comprises 31 volumes and more than 85,000 pages. Cyprus and Malta have been able to do it, so Russia’s civil service could certainly do it as well.

For years, Russians did not care much about institutional reform. They were able to increase their spending at a higher rate than production, as export prices have outpaced import prices. The general feeling is that the standard of life continues to improve. Since this is not accompanied by political and institutional progress, the rising middle classes are getting restive, demanding a bigger say in the country’s decision making process.

To rely on ever higher commodity prices is not a sustainable growth model in any case – prices will certainly not go up all the time. Every so often they crash and cause havoc in the rest of the economy. The 8 per cent decline of Russian GDP in 2009, the 80 per cent fall of stock prices between mid and end-2008, the 36 per cent depreciation of the rouble against the dollar during that time, and the collapse of the real estate market were direct consequences of the crash of raw material prices, in particular the oil price which imploded from $146 to $35 in just half a year. To this day, markets are not yet back to pre-crisis levels.

If Russia had more robust institutions and took the rule of law seriously, investors would demand lower risk premiums for holding shares of companies and government and corporate bonds – which is another way of saying that asset prices could be much higher, and the cost of capital correspondingly lower. A big increase in capital spending is needed to wean the country from its reliance on commodities. China’s impressive growth model has at its core very high saving and investment ratios. Anything that helps to boost these must have top priority for policy makers. Right now, the value of Russia’s firms that are traded at the stock exchange is about 19 trillion roubles (€465bn).

If the government could credibly show that it will launch an institutional reform process on the basis of EU standards, this number could easily double, cutting the cost of capital expenditures by one half. Perhaps more importantly, Russia would become a more normal country where people like to live, rather than trying to emigrate.

 

 

 

 

 

Dieter Wermuth
Chief Economist & Partner, Wermuth Asset Management

 

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The Chinese Currency Conundrum

Recent informal talks with business managers from both the industry and the financial sector in a number of developed countries have led me to the conclusion that general knowledge about the Chinese currency (renminbi = RMB or yuan = CNY, official) still is very limited. This is the case despite China’s great – and still growing – importance to the global economy and many globalized companies.

There are different reasons for this shortcoming. Many executive practitioners in the corporate world are not really interested in details of exchange rate policy. Furthermore – which may be an even more important reason for the lagging interest – the Chinese exchange rate policy is still extremely opaque for outsiders, i.e. for everybody outside the Chinese Communist Party leadership.

Some knowledge about Chinese exchange rate policy, however, exists. We know that China had an 8.3 RMB fixed link to the American dollar (USD) until 22 July, 2005. On this day, this fixed exchange rate regime (more or less) was abandoned and replaced by a limited floating policy which allowed for a sizeable appreciation until today all the same – the Chinese answer after many years of American complaints about an undervalued Chinese currency when considering China’s dynamically rising surpluses in foreign trade.

We also know that China is linking the RMB to a kind of currency basket that consists of about 20 different currencies. But what we do not know are the weights of these 20 different currencies in the Chinese basket despite the obvious dominance of the USD in this basket. In an interesting empirical study (“Re-pegging the renminbi to a basket: issues and implications”, Crawford School of Economics and Government, 2012, Asian Pacific Economic Literature), Heikki Oksanen from Helsinki University found that the RMB may be linked by up to 90 per cent to the USD. The consequence of this is that not very much influence is left to the other currencies – not even to the Euro – which means that predictability of the CNY vis-à-vis other currencies tends to be even more difficult.

Having said that the Chinese exchange rate policy is closely linked to the USD does not, however, rule out that China’s political leaders in recent years having been going for a cautious, but visible appreciation policy with slightly varying speed of this policy in relation to the USD (around 25 percent since July 25, 2005). Sometimes, we also have seen intermissions in this appreciation process – obviously in times when Chinese exports have been/are suffering from difficulties because of dampened global demand. This could be observed during the American subprime crisis in the latter part of the past decade and in 2012 when the European crisis was the seen as the main obstacle for Chinese exports.

Despite the fact that two thirds of the huge Chinese currency reserves are invested in USD, it would be beneficial to China to gradually decrease the weight of the USD in its currency basket which I have been pointing at before in different articles. The predominance of the USD is too strong in this respect, also from a (Chinese) risk perspective. The current Chinese foreign investment strategy makes China too dependent on financial markets’ confidence in the dollar. The U.S. economy will have major challenges in the forthcoming decade, too, and nobody can rule out that the USD may suffer from sizeable downward pressure at some point in the future.

Altogether, the composition of the Chinese currency basket should have much more hedging elements. This is another reason why China really dislikes the ongoing European crisis since only the Euro has the theoretical and practical capacity to become a real alternative to the USD for Chinese currency investors. Therefore, China is definitely not interested in a weak Euro.

However, there is only way for the Chinese exchange rate policy to get closer to the Euro, i.e. the very gradual one. Really fast moves in such a direction would cause turmoil on global currency markets at the expense of the dollar – but also when it comes to the development of the real economy of China, the U.S. and many other countries (exports, imports, GDP). China most certainly wants the survival of the Euro.

If we assume a positive outcome of the current Euro/European crisis, the Euro will gain a lot of importance in the longer run, maybe 10 years ahead or even more. This would “automatically” incline a weakening status of the USD as a reserve currency with unpredictable consequences for both the U.S. and the whole global economy. We really should hope that the U.S. will be successful in restoring fiscal stability and sustainability during this probable process.

Otherwise, the global economy will become even more unstable. China will – without doubt -have an increasing impact on this development, also by its exchange rate policy. However, the “global house” cannot be put in order during the next decade or so without major positive contributions from both Europe and the U.S. – also for the avoidance of (temporarily) chaotic conditions on global currency markets.

In the meanwhile, there should be room enough for China to make its exchange rate much more transparent and also for substantial changes in exchange rate policy. Such a change could mean a more trade-related basket in line with the Swedish model from the 1980s (which failed because of major macroeconomic imbalances in Sweden, not because of its composition of currencies) or – according to Oksanen’s second suggestion – a linkage to Special Drawing Rights (SDR, which contains USD, Euro, yen and the British Pound Sterling – a composition that has to be checked up/revised by the IMF every fifth year).

But even if these technical changes in Chinese exchange rate policy will occur in the forthcoming years, the road to a fully convertible currency will be very, very bumpy for the renminbi. It may take 10 years or even much longer to get there.

 

Hubert Fromlet
Professor of International Economics
Editorial board

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India – A Promising Nation for the World

September 5, 2012

India is a promising emerging market for the world today. The world output is expected to grow at around 3.5% in 2012 where the major contributors are likely to be emerging economies like India and China. Indian and Chinese economic growth rates in the past five years inspired investor’s world over to consider them as the next investment destination. Despite, the low growth rates of 6.5% last year in India and lower growth rate projection of 5.5% in 2012 in India and about 8% in China, the future seems to be hopeful yet challenging for both these countries.

India is a young nation that promises much more than what is evident in the through international lens of statistical barometers. It is presently going through the legislative reform process for making it a more accountable and transparent nation to its people through introduction of several pending bills. Adaptive to the global developments, the country has advanced its governance structure in a reformative manner that is approachable by the common man by means of e-governance.

The right to information act has empowered the common man. Further, the introduction of Value Added Tax, Direct Tax Code and e-filing has enhanced the transparency into the system, bringing it closer to the international standards. The government incentives like the NREGA scheme and national policy for manufacturing or schemes for social sector development and infrastructure development schemes is likely to give boost to the economic growth. Fiscal measures taken by the government are made keeping in mind their commitment to the fiscal responsibility and management bill.

Serious credit crunch
India despite such fiscal measures is unable to achieve its potential levels of growth in industry, agriculture and services sector. They need the necessary credit impetus to grow. Credit flows are needed in each sector to enhance the investment multiplier promising higher growth rates. Indian banks have been resilient to the global financial crisis but today face serious liquidity crunch. The central bank of India while reviewing the third quarter’s economic situation has identified that inflation rates are high for the given low economic growth rates, high current account deficits and high fiscal deficits. Given the challenges the bank has decided to keep the CRR (Cash Reserve Ratio) to 4.75% and SLR (Statutory Liquidity Ratio) to 23% so as to induct liquidity in the Indian market.

Lately, the chairman of one of the largest PSU banks in India, SBI, has demanded that CRR requirement may be scraped providing greater liquidity to the banks. It is difficult to believe that such a demand could be made by the country’s largest public sector undertaking (PSU) bank. CRR is an essential liquidity maintained by the central bank that acts as a bulwark for the financial system. Removing the CRR requirement would put the banking sector into great danger. Banks need to monitor their investment and act in a more socially responsible manner especially the PSU banks. There is a need for the banks to participate in the economic development process by initiating and encouraging investment in areas with long gestation periods or less than market benchmark returns.

The Reserve Bank of India alone cannot do much to improve the situation. The banks need to adopt a socially responsible role by making credit available at low cost. The agriculture, industry and services sector is unable to achieve its full potential due to lack of low cost credit. The actions of the Reserve Bank of India with respect to CRR and SLR are less likely to yield results given the deregulated state of banking in India. Banking priorities presently are not aligned with the economic development priorities especially when PSU banks take pride in declaring their profits over their declaring their contribution to the economic growth through credit disbursal. Unfortunately, the government units are not defining their performance through their contribution to the social benefits which is an area less researched in the world.

Disinvestment and deregulation are good for a country as long the directed flows do not cause market imperfections or inefficiencies of oligopoly or monopoly causing a dead weight loss to the economy. It is a myth to believe that monopoly and inefficiencies only arise in government sector. They may develop well in private markets as well, to reduce such inefficiencies it is needed that government may introduce competitive market structures and monitor them carefully.

Regulations in the Indian banking sector were dropped primarily with the belief that the competition in the sector would enhance the consumer’s position. However, despite the deregulations and entry of new players, the market continues to be supply driven rather than being demand driven. Banks have become large conglomerates with forward and backward linkages. Banking is the need for all economic transactions today but has the country provided for a sufficient competitive market structures that that support credit growth.

Necessary policy improvements
India is one country that has a large set up of informal financial markets that still continues to support the economy. To achieve a higher growth potential it is needed that markets may be made more competitive, regulations more stringent, contracts enforceable and government set ups more accountable. To aid this it is needed that there is consolidated effort of fiscal and monetary policies to support economic events. Political and economic will to align sectorial growth rates with economic development priorities.

How do we do it all? The government needs to bring back its disinvestment agenda to reduce its fiscal deficits with proposed conversions of retained earnings into equity shares. Plug all leakages of savings that go into unproductive investments like speculative investment in real estate or investment in gold or foreign currency. Tap the flow of income even the smallest by making banking a habit.

Demonitise the economy, it will reduce black money and ills of the parallel economy! Make transactions accountable by necessitating the use of income tax number known as the PAN number even in the smallest transaction! Direct the flow of saving to banking channels by removing the KYC norm on small balance account holders with low or no banking transactions!

A mere deregulation in diesel prices or reduction in subsidies would not help much in the fiscal position of the government. It would be better to concentrate on the economic issues rather than industry specific issue or specific transfer payments. Tax evasions need to be controlled. Tax incentives to motivate investments need to be given. Government needs to control cost and time overruns in infrastructure and other projects that increase government expenditure and inflation. Banks need to be reminded of their main business of lending and must not play with the public money by investing or speculating in the stock market. Legal systems need to promise foreign and domestic investors protection for their investment and manpower. Imports of unproductive resources like gold need to be reduced or curtailed. Make governance more easy and accessible through e-grievance addressal cells.

The potential
India with its young population size, highly qualified manpower, rich political base, progressive outlook and rich natural resources needs more unity and coherence in its economic growth and development story. One sector alone cannot push the growth rates. Agriculture needs another green revolution. Industry needs a fresh line of credit and services needs newer and higher grounds of performances to develop. Further, a future recovery in the world economy will bring greater hope for India as trade and investment ties would improve.

 

 

 

 

Yamini Agarwal
Professor and Vice Chairman (Academics)
Indian Institute of Finance (IIF), Delhi

 

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