China Research

A discussion forum on emerging markets, mainly China – from a macro, micro, institutional and corporate angle.

Theory and practicability behind China’s new exchange rate policy

October 7, 2015

Chinese economic policy certainly has ideological and political power-conserving characteristics. However, more profound studies of Chinese economic policy also lead to the conclusion that important results from Western economic research more lately have been well integrated in quite a number of Chinese economic strategies and objectives. Evidence can, for example, be found, in the important reform package from the Central Committee’s Third Plenum in November 2013. Many of its 60 objectives and suggested policy changes seem to be well-anchored in economic research we are used to, dealing with the market economy, institutions, endogenous growth, the supply side, human capital, entrepreneurship, competition, etc.

“Impossible trinity”

Recently, another practical application from economic research was striking me. I am talking about China’s willingness to go more visibly for market-oriented exchange rates. We still have to see to what extent this new policy orientation will come true in reality. But the approach as such is interesting. It points at a phenomenon which is called “impossible trinity” by Western academic researchers.

Without getting too theoretical, one may say that research and experience have proved – look, for instance, at the Asian crisis from 1997/98 – that a central bank cannot meet the following three targets or conditions at the same time, instead just two of them:

  • inflation target (or sovereign monetary policy)
  • exchange rate target and
  • free cross-border capital flows.

Formally, China has nowadays neither an inflation target nor free cross-border capital movements but is about to loosen its still existing kind of exchange rate target (vis-à-vis the U.S.dollar). Altogether, the phenomenon of “impossible trinity” cannot really be observed in the China of today. But what about the China of tomorrow? In a longer perspective, things may look like quite different.

I believe that China would like to be recognized as a country that can afford freely moving financial flows over its geographical borders (though it could take time to get there). Being considered – as it is currently the case – as a country with an underdeveloped financial sector is certainly not in line with all the positive visions and strategies Chinese political leaders have for the real economy. Without a modernized domestic banking system and a widely deregulated capital balance with mostly free cross-border money flows, China will be lagging considerably in international rankings. In other words: China really will make serious attempts in the next decade or so to achieve a system with more or less open financial borders. Whether this high ambition can really be verified or not, is quite a different question. But we know that preparation time for such an important move could be – and should be – quite long.

Inflation or exchange rate targeting

There is good reason to believe that China is working for an inflation target in the medium or longer term which induces – in general terms – an independent monetary policy. It is a well-known but uncomfortable fact for Chinese political leaders that their country particularly in the past decade has been affected by an increasingly unfavorable distribution of income. In times of very high GDP growth, such a development could be tolerated since the whole population was enjoying better economic conditions all the time – though urban residents were generally spoken clearly in the lead, very much supported by the booming housing sector. But relatively high inflation is really counteracting a fairer distribution of income. (I refrain here from applying the current, rather deflationary tendencies).

Today, however, we can predict that future Chinese economic growth will be more dampened. Thus, it will become more important to combat uneven income distribution. This objective can be supported substantially by an officially targeted, relatively low inflation rate. I would guess that China is working in such a direction.

Exchange rate targeting, however, would make these considerations and changes more or less impossible. Sovereign monetary policy cannot be conducted at the same time as a country prefers exchange rate targeting. But why should China in the medium- or long-term future choose exchange rate targeting at the expense of inflation targeting? Sure, certain future economic reforms will succeed – but other reforms and developments will fail and put pressure on the currency. Flexible exchange rates can usually tackle policy failures or losses of competitiveness more effectively than fixed exchange rates. Global markets can – hopefully – react more smoothly. Transparency tends to improve over time in a system with flexible exchange rates. Liberalized capital flows simply urge for more reliable information from China.

In this case, foreign and domestic Chinese investors will increase their pressure on Chinese political leaders and institutions for improvements of communication. In the longer run, we will probably know more exact details about real GDP growth, unemployment, bad loans of the banks, (local) government debt, etc. Disappointing statistical numbers will at certain points lead to challenges for the Chinese exchange rate.

In other words: China wants most probably to move (slowly) to a (managed) floating currency in order to meet possible occasional major moves or distortions of its exchange rate more flexibly than would be possible with fixed exchange rates – in line with conclusions from the “impossible trinity” which also includes strongly or completely abandoned cross-border capital controls.

Thinkable way forward

Scenarios for Chinese exchange rate policy may develop as follows when considering the “impossible trinity”.

Existing today:

# Inflation targeting? Yes, partly (not officially)

# Exchange rate targeting? Yes, recently somewhat loosened

# Cross-border capital control? Yes

=> no major conflict with “impossible trinity” (two conditions met at the same time)

In a couple of years:

Inflation targeting? Yes, more visibly

Exchange rate targeting? Yes, but decreasing

Capital cross-border control? Yes, but decreasing

=> still no major conflict with “impossible trinity” (but all three conditions more or less partly met)

In the longer run, 5-10 years from now:

Inflation targeting? Yes

Exchange rate targeting? No, or relatively limited

Capital cross-border control? No, or relatively limited.

=> no major conflict with “impossible trinity” if above-mentioned preconditions in place (should be a policy priority!);
improved conditions for “impossible trinity” – but not quite “clean”.

Result

According to the above-mentioned scenario, China will be most probably aiming at gradually meeting the characteristics and the conclusions from the “impossible trinity”- in a decade or so – more clearly than it seems to be the case today. The recent change of China’s exchange rate policy can possibly be regarded as an important step in the right policy direction. Today, however, we have no evidence that this recent change of exchange rate policy will be sustainable in the longer run. Hopefully, this will be the case – despite the fact that the appropriate velocity for certain structural financial policy changes (capital balance!)really can be discussed.

As the first alternative, I would plead for gradual and cautious changes when focusing on a future, workable “impossible trinity” – but without leaving the right, steadily reforming direction. This includes the two objectives inflation targeting and free cross-border capital moves and, consequently, the abolition of exchange rate targeting.

The second alternative – going for exchange rate targeting and free international capital from and to China – would take away the opportunity of an independent monetary policy. A terrible option!

The third alternative – maintaining capital controls and applying both an inflation target and an exchange rate target – would certainly not fit with a modern China.

 

Hubert Fromlet
Senior Professor of International Economics, Linnaeus University
Editorial board

 

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Will the Asian Infrastructure and Investment Bank achieve a successful start?

September 30, 2015

At the end of this year a new International Financial Institution (IFI), the Asian Infrastructure and Investment Bank (AIIB) will become operational. The AIIB is placed in Beijing. It has currently 57 founding members: 37 Asian countries (including Russia, Australia and New Zealand) and 20 outside Asia (17 European countries, two African countries and Brazil). The authorized capital of the AIIB is expected to be US$ 100 billion and will be used for infrastructure projects in Asia. There is a big need for infrastructure financing in a quickly developing Asia. The Asian Development Bank (ADB) estimates that for the period between 2010 and 2020, Asia needs US$ 8 trillion for infrastructure construction.

The founding countries of the AIIB took the decision to participate in spite of concerns raised that the creation of a new international bank would undermine existing IFIs, like the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank. The strong participation of European countries was a major breakthrough for Chinese diplomacy against resistance coming especially from the United States. This success is of importance not only for the development of Asia but it is also an important step for new global governance structures. The reform of the Bretton Woods Financial Institutions is stalled because of the negative attitude of the American Congress. Therefore the correction of the voting rights in the IMF, reducing slightly the dominant US influence and the over-representation of Europe at the benefit of countries in Asia and Africa is still not happening. The AIIB might be able to demonstrate that a new financial institution supported by China will be run on an inclusive pattern, allowing participants to join into the decision-making in a more equal manner.

Challenges

But there are still important decisions to be taken to assure that the high ambition of China becomes reality: to create a new financial institution, which is a best practice case for the 21st century.

This new IFI must find a balance between the different interests of its shareholders. Chinas interest is to use the AIIB for the financing of infrastructure projects linked to its one belt on road strategy. The strategy has two main components a land based Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. The Silk Road Economic Belt is intended to improve road and rail routes and other means of connection, including oil and natural gas pipelines and IT infrastructure, in an area that stretches from China to central and South Asia, Russia, the Mideast and Europe. The 21st Century Maritime Silk Road is intended to create a network of ports and industrial parks linking South and Southeast Asia, East Africa and the Mediterranean Sea. Chinas big Companies have over-capacities, which can be used for these investment projects. This can help these companies to cob with reduced growth in China. Especially Chinese state-owned companies have privileged access to political decision makers and might hope for a preferential treatment by the AIIB. But also companies from Russia and India might hope for a special treatment.

The European Partners expect to the contrary that an IFI functions without a national preference and that also International companies have a fair chance to participate in AIIB financed projects in open and transparent tendering procedures. European Countries being shareholders of other IFIs, which are also active in Asia like the World Bank, the Asian Development and even the European Investment Bank will underline the need for a good cooperation with these existing IFIs. This implies that the banking activities are based on common standards to facilitate cooperation.

The comments made by the Chinese AIIB-Secretary General Jin Liquin are encouraging: “ I will strive to ensure that the AIIB develops and embodies a corporate ethos that is characterized by transparency, integrity and accountability, and is focused on meaningful and measurable outcomes and results…The AIIB’s assistance to its clients should be technically, financially, economically, environmentally and socially sustainable.”

To implement these laudable objectives in the banking activities common answers amongst the participating shareholders must be found to some difficult questions:

– What is the right balance between high environmental and social standards and timely and cost-effective project implementation?

– How to avoid corruption in countries with weak governance and poor legal systems?

– How to deal with international sanctions against companies and states?

– How to assure open and transparent tendering for all activities?

– How to garanty access for the public to information?

Transparency

If one takes the Aarhus Regulation, which guides the policy of the EIB, environmental and social information held by the Bank and related to projects should be made available. Will the AIIB develop a public register for dissemination of this information to the public? Are environmental and social impact assessments parts of publicly accessible information?

In the remaining months until the start of the operations of the AIIB the shareholders of the bank have to find an agreement about the standards and procedures for the functioning of the AIIB. It is a positive sign that in the preparatory discussions an exchange of view with other IFIs takes place. Hopefully the best international standards will be agreed to make the AIIB really a model for the 21st century.

Chinas active support for high standards of transparency and accountability in the banking activities will be the best answer to the existing doubts about the will and capacity of Chinas leadership to improve governance and eradicate corruption.

 

Gerhard Stahl
Professor, Peking University HSBC Business School, Shenzen

 

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About China: it should be interesting…

September 23, 2015

… but it is (more or less) neglected by the international press and (financial ) analysts. I’m talking about the recent speech of China’s president Xi Jinping in Seattle during his ongoing visit to the U.S. (without having checked myself many American sources). Anyway, financial markets focused at the same time very much on the Caixin PMI (which was considerably below 50 – certainly not an encouraging signal on Chinese industry and GDP growth in reality). For my own analysis, however, I found the president’s exposé more interesting.

Xi told the invited guests that China feels very committed to reform policy and people’s well-being – and also to a policy that “forestalls risks” and keeps the economy at a medium-, high-growth level.

This is exactly the message I like to hear. In theory. Structural reforms and maintaining reasonable GDP growth would be a dream scenario – and particularly the following conclusion that reforms and reformers are still in place.

But there is a catch. We do not know how far the deceleration of the economy already has gone. Probably further than statistical numbers express. Furthermore, it is hard to summarize the reforms that already are taking place and what is to come soon. What has really been done in reform policy since 2014 after the Communist Party’s Third Plenum in November 2013? Transparency is still by far too low. So is the quality of statistics. Consequently, it is still hard to find out what’s really happening in the economy.

It is certainly a pity that China has not been working sufficiently for opening up (economic) information flows. If this had been the case, I certainly would have appreciated president Xi’s speech. Now, I don’t know.

But why shouldn’t Chinese leaders from now on work more ambitiously with economic transparency? It would be a win-win situation for both China and the rest of the world. And it would be much easier to conduct a financial deregulation policy which Chinese leaders put so much (verbal) emphasis on, particularly when it comes to the deregulation of cross-border capital flows.

The decisive question remains: How could China ever successfully open its capital account vis-à-vis other countries and envisage a working full convertibility of its currency yuan without at least having a roughly transparent economy?

 

Hubert Fromlet
Senior Professor of International Economics, Linnaeus University
Editorial board

 

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