China Research

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China’s Historical Options

October 1, 2014

Summary

In this article, this year’s annual position paper of the European Union Chamber of Commerce in China (EUCCC) is described.

This time, the angle of the European Chamber is to comment on the far-reaching reforms from the decision document of the Third Plenum last year and to suggest what needs to be done by China to succeed with its ambitious reform plans.

The Chamber goes as far as to say that China has no other choice but to stick to reforms. If China makes the wrong choices at the critical crossroads where the country is at present, China may risk never getting past the “middle income trap”. The core issue of the reforms is to truly allow the market forces to play a decisive role in the resource allocation of the Chinese society.

The Executive Summary of the Chamber is divided into three headlines:

1) The role of the market: the need of rebalancing the economy, of financial reforms, fiscal reforms, State Owned Enterprises reforms, market access and the freedom of companies to choose strategic service providers.

2) Quality of life: China is now shifting focus from blind pursuit of growth at any price to enhancing the quality of life of its inhabitants. This section covers areas such as the environment, urbanisation, health care, food safety, internet management, the rule of law and the role of the marketplace in innovation.

3) China and the world: This chapter welcomes China’s awakened leadership ambitions in the global rule-setting organisations. Convergence of the Chinese regulatory frameworks with international norms will ensure that China will strengthen its position as an integrated part of global supply chains and that the global competitiveness of Chinese innovations will grow.

To summarize: The recommendations provided by the European industry in China will not only further strengthen the interests of European companies in China, but will also help China to build a much better general business environment to the benefit of all companies irrespective of ownership form or national origins.

 

Kina vid ett historiskt vägval

Genom fyrtiotalet arbetsgrupper framför Europeiska Handelskammaren i Kina (EUCCC) årligen rekommendationer från sina dryga 1800 medlemmar till den kinesiska regeringen om hur affärsklimatet i Kina skall kunna bli bättre. Detta omfattande arbete presenteras i ett positionspapper.

Sedan några år tillbaka är den så kallade executive summary kanske den intressantaste delen, i varje fall om man vill förstå hur europeisk industri ser på Kinas stora utmaningar. I årets executive summary är texten indelad i tre avdelningar: 1) Marknadens roll i samhället, 2) Livskvalitet och 3) Kinas roll i världen.

Sedan Kina presenterade sitt sextiopunkts beslutdokument om ekonomiska och sociala reformer står det helt klart att Kina befinner sig vid – förmodligen – det viktigaste vägvalet i modern kinesisk historia; antingen genomför man reformerna fullt ut och med kraft och har en chans att övervinna de stora och otaliga utmaningar som Kina står inför. Eller så tvekar man och riskerar att
få en stagnerande utveckling, där problemens svårighetsgrad kan komma att utgöra ett hot mot Kina, så som vi känner det idag. Eftersom Kina redan är en mycket viktig del av världsekonomin och en allt viktigare politisk supermakt är Kinas öde vårt allas öde.

Kammaren vill i sitt executive summary peka på de löften till reform som Kina presenterade i sextiopunktsdokumentet för knappt ett år sedan. EUCCC kommer med konstruktiva förslag till hur dessa skall kunna genomföras. Nyckelfrågan för framgång är att låta marknaden spela den avgörande rollen i allokeringen av resurser som sextiopunktsdokumentet har som centralt tema. Detta i sin tur innebär att staten måste omdefiniera sin roll i samhället för att den organiskt växande delen av ekonomin skall kunna frodas.

Utan långtgående finansiella reformer blir detta svårt. Utan att minska de statliga företagens dominans i ekonomin kommer glastak fortsätta att existera som försvårar för privata företag att växa sig riktigt stora och livskraftiga. För att staten fullt ut skall kunna spela sin nya roll och för att minska de snedvridande effekterna av att underfinansierade städer, kommuner och distrikt för sin försörjning säljer ut mark och lånar upp pengar inom den informella lånesektorn måste genomgripande reformer av skattesystemet genomföras.

Vidare måste marknaderna öppnas för jämlik konkurrens mellan alla marknadsaktörer – oavsett deras ägarbakgrund. Statens uppgift är att stå som garant för öppna och transparenta marknader med tydliga ramar innanför vilka marknadskrafterna kan spela sin roll. Slutligen måste marknadsaktörer tillåtas full frihet att arbeta med den kommersiella infrastruktur som de behöver för att fatta välavvägda beslut där risk ställs mot affärsmöjligheter. Det innebär konkret att banker, jurister, redovisningsfirmor, strategikonsulter, kvalitetsinspektörer osv måste kunna erbjuda sina tjänster utan begränsningar pådyvlade av staten.

Under de första trettiofem åren av den stora reformprocessen sedan 1979 har mycket av statens fokus handlat om att återupprätta landet Kina. I denna ambition har staten oftast stått på (de statliga) företagens sida. Medan Kina blivit allt rikare frågar sig alltfler människor i Kina om deras liv egentligen blivit så mycket bättre. De tänker på miljöproblem, arbetslöshet, skyhöga priser på bostäder, matsäkerhet, korruption, trafikstockningar, fula och opersonliga bostadsområden osv. Att nu återvinna folkets förtroende har kommit att bli en överlevnadsfråga för partiet. Från och med nu måste människans livskvalitet sättas i centrum.

Den Europeiska Handelskammaren delar denna uppfattning om livskvalitén och kan lätt dra på Europas egen erfarenhet från de olika medlemsländernas utveckling sedan andra världskrigets slut. Den nya kinesiska regeringen under premiärminister Li Keqiang ser därför en ny typ av urbanisering som svaret på livskvalitetsfrågan. Beboeliga städer kräver ett systemtänkande som Kina hittills visat lite prov på, men nya tag skulle kunna leda till både mer hållbara städer, högre innovationskraft och ett mer omfattande socialt skyddsnät. Den enskildes rätt till ett drägligt och tryggt liv kan ej separeras från ett väl fungerande och oberoende rättssystem. Även om Kina nu aviserat att just rättssystemet kommer att vara huvudfrågan vid partiets kommande fjärde plenarsession menar Handelskammaren att här finns mycket att önska med hänsyn till de mycket djupa reformbehoven. Vi menar också att ett ocensurerat och snabbt internet är kanske den enskilde människans största garant för att kunna värja sig mot maktmissbruk och andra missförhållanden.

Slutligen har Kina, som är väl bekant, redan blivit världen största handelsnation. Tillverkningsaktiviteter i Kina är redan djupt integrerade i globala leverantörs- och värdeförädlingskedjor. När arbetskraftskostnader och andra produktionskostnader nu stiger är det ännu viktigare att Kina på andra sätt behåller sin konkurrenskraft och attraktivitet. Detta sker bäst genom en konvergens mot omvärlden med hänsyn till internationell handelspolitik, standards, investeringsavtal och annat som gör det effektivt att producera och utveckla i Kina. Kina måste ta sitt ansvar genom att göra WTO till den viktigaste internationella plattformen för handelspolitik och genom att söka inflytande i andra viktiga internationella organisationer som skapar en bättre fungerande världsekonomi.

Vi européer välkomnar kinesiska investeringar i Europa och garanterar att kinesiska företag kommer att behandlas på samma sätt som vilka andra företag som helst i våra ekonomier.

Europeiska Handelskammaren i Kina företräder inte bara sina drygt 1800 medlemmar och deras intressen. Faktum är att alla rekommendationer i EUCCC:s positionspapper syftar till att göra Kina till en bättre marknad för alla aktörer – vare sig de är kinesiska, utländska, privata eller statliga.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Mats Harborn
Vice Chairman, European Union Chamber of Commerce in China (EUCCC)

 

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When will an Asian Win the Nobel Prize in Economics?

So far, we have not seen many winners of the Nobel Prize in Economics – or more exactly “The Riksbank’s Prize in Economic Sciences in Memory of Alfred Nobel” – who had their roots in emerging countries. Arthur Lewis (1979) from St.Lucia and Amartya Sen from India (1998) were two positive exceptions. But what about the chances that an Asian economist may win the Nobel Prize this year again?

There are altogether 200-300 serious candidates for the Nobel Prize in Economics. Usually, the award goes to American economists – but not necessarily. Among candidates with Asian roots – Israel and Japan excluded in this context – I see clearly Avinash Dixit as the strongest candidate for 2014(born in Mumbai, India) , nowadays working as a professor at Princeton University, dealing with microeconomics, industrial organization, public economics, international trade plus growth and development theories. Dixit is also included in my own list of the “Top 10 Favorites” that will be published on October 3.

Dixit’s main challengers from Asia should be free trade supporter Jagdish Bhagwati (New York University) from India and Partha Dasgupta (University of Cambridge) from Bangladesh. Dasgupta has done important research on the environment which is so badly needed for emerging countries – but also on poverty, nutrition and knowledge. One should not either forget the very important field research of Abhijit Banerjee (MIT) with focus on development economics, many times taking research results from his home country India. The main outsider with roots in Asia could be Hashem Pesaran (with roots in Iran, econometrics and empirical macroeconomics). Sendhil Mullainathan – born in Tami Nadu/India – can develop to a serious Nobel Prize candidate but is currently still by far too young (research areas: behavioral finance, development economics).

Another well-known and important economist from the emerging-country world is, of course, Hernando de Soto from Peru (corruption, informal economy, institutions). (Almost) the whole continent of South America is still waiting that the Nobel Prize Committee will give him the highest award for economic research. However, it may be the case that de Soto is judged as not being sufficiently anchored in the academic economic world of models and mathematics.

But if this year’s Nobel Prize in Economics is not going to one of the names mentioned above it remains possible that other representatives of “growth and development” will be awarded, probably from the U.S. This would be another way to put more emphasis on emerging markets.

On October 13, we will know more about it. Competition with other economists and research areas is tough.

 

Hubert Fromlet
Senior Professor of International Economics, Linnaeus University
Editorial board

 

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The Baltics After the Crisis – All Back to Normal?

September 3, 2014

The three Baltic countries have managed a spectacular roller-coaster in the economic growth lead tables of the European Union. Having ranked among the very top in the pre-2009 period, they suffered from the most severe contraction of economic activity anywhere in Europe. But then, just as many observers got ready to include the Baltics in the long list of unsustainable ‘growth spurts’ that failed to generate sustained prosperity improvements, they came back to again top the EU in terms of growth rates in 2012. What is going on, what can be expected to happen next, and what are the lessons to draw for other parts of Europe?

In assessing the current performance of the Baltic countries it is true that the extent of post-crisis growth was at least in part a reflection of the depth of the downturn that had occurred. The crises had been so deep and left enough capacity idle to make any upturn look strong. However, it is interesting to look more at the anatomy of the recovery. It did occur in the context of strict austerity policies and a still relatively flat level of domestic demand. A key driver was exports, which grew by around 30% in 2010 and 2011 and then slowed to in 2012 around 15% for Latvia and Lithuania and 4% for Estonia. But exports have over time also gained in terms of breadth of products and markets. This was not unexpected given the drastic improvement in relative unit labor costs in response to the ‘internal devaluation’ that the Baltic countries had implemented. But it was a process that seemed to have started already before. Most likely it had to-do with a broader re-evaluation of lower cost locations in Eastern Europe as China was getting more expensive and lost some dynamism.

For the immediate future, however, it is likely that growth will flatten. The 2013 growth rates were already lower; in Estonia they dropped dramatically. Trade has in 2013 fallen in Estonia and Latvia. The one-time opportunities of bouncing back after a crisis are by definition limited. The more structural changes in the attractiveness of the Baltics as an export platform might have the potential to support further growth. But the most attractive opportunities will have come first, and it is unclear how much more potential there is.

Domestic demand is in the meantime likely to recover somewhat as growth has returned and the economic outcome has stabilized. But is not going to support the kind of growth seen in the post-crisis recovery – unless a new overheating is being engineered. The repercussions of the crisis in the Ukraine and the erosion in relations to Russia have created further headwind: some of the recent export success had gone into Russia, the Ukraine, and the broader CIS region. And there could be a negative impact on the risk assessments that some investors make about the Baltics.

What lessons to draw depends on a deeper analysis of the run-up to the crisis and the policy decisions made in the Baltics thereafter? Here is my read: The Baltics weren’t perfect but they did the best given their abilities to implement the general guidelines that they received from Brussels. This was successful in improving the business environment and preparing the ground for investment and growth. But it failed to give the Baltics a clear strategy for competing in the market for export-oriented activities; most investments went into domestic-market serving sectors. And it did nothing to counter-act the danger of moving from catching-up to overheating on the back of private sector capital inflows; this was a blind-spot in the EU’s general policy framework.

During the crisis, the Baltics impressively – but also with severe social costs – dealt with the necessary re-adjustments of balance sheets and cost levels. There successful push towards Euro-Zone membership was the well-deserved price, and is a further asset in their efforts to attract foreign investment. But it also doesn’t amount to a clear strategy that would position the Baltic countries in terms of providing distinct value for specific activities and industries/clusters. Such strategic focus will be important to move beyond the competition based on lower cost, and mount an effective strategy for competitiveness upgrading and higher productivity in line with the capacity of local firms and government agencies.

 

 

 

 

 

Christian Ketels
Dr. Christian Ketels, Institute for Strategy and Competitiveness, Harvard Business School

 

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