China Research

A discussion forum on emerging markets, mainly China – from a macro, micro, institutional and corporate angle.

Japan’s (Abenomics’) Failure – are there Growing Risks for other Asian Countries and the World Economy?

December 3, 2014

In the third quarter, Japan’s economy tumbled again into a recession. “Abenomics” – i.e. the economic program of prime minister Shinzo Abe (LDP) – proved to be a failure. Expressed very briefly, “Abenomics” means that the Bank of Japan (Nippon Ginko) two years ago was committed to massively print money in completely uncharted waters in order to combat the long-lasting deflationary problem.

Furthermore, Abe wanted to do something about the excessive government debt (more than 240 % of GDP), for example by raising the VAT from 5 to 8 last April – a measure that obviously contributed to the current recession and made Japanese consumers even more reluctant. For this reason, another planned VAT hike has been postponed.

Bad advice

One of the intellectual fathers of “Abenomics” was Nobel Prize winner Paul Krugman who during a long time had complained about Japan’s “irresponsible monetary policy” (and who also had accused the Swedish Riksbank for a similar failure – and who, unfortunately, has quite a number of supporters among Swedish academics and financial analysts). The idea of the whole experiment was to print money in borderless amounts for government expenditure – government expenditure that should give positive multiplier effects on consumers and private corporate investors. Furthermore, some inflation should be created this way.

Today, it seems to be obvious that the Krugman-/Abe-experiment has failed. Extreme monetary expansion cannot work in the long run and never replace a structurally well-founded growth/supply side policy. If it was that easy…Something to remember in Sweden and in Frankfurt (ECB) as well.

It would be good idea if the world listened less to Krugman and consortes. With quite some luck, the previous monetarization in the U.S. by the Fed may be managed without major distortions. Janet Yellen understands economics. But Japan and Europe (ECB; Sweden included) function quite differently and have probably very different reactions functions for increased liquidity.

M x V = P x Q

Old fundamentals may help. Let’s for example, look at Irving Fisher’s so-called “equation of exchange” (1911): M x V = P x Q (M = money in circulation, money supply, V = velocity of money circulation, P = price level, Q = expenditures in real terms).

In our context, V, P and Q are the interesting variables. V stands for the average frequency that one unit of the currency/money is spent. An important point in this context is the fact that the “equation of exchange” is an identity equation which means that it is always valid whatever number you put in it. Consequently, the new number for V is not known in advance when M is changed. The same can be said about P (inflation) and Q. These simple facts make the effects of strongly extended money supply uncertain and, consequently, the whole basket of different kinds of quantitative easing (QE) – an instrument which central banks so actively apply these days or intend to use as an instrument for better growth and higher inflation (the Riksbank, unfortunately, included).

Now, in order to make the whole process of monetarization work, it is necessary that the velocity of money circulation increases visibly. Consumers and investors should be willing to spend more money more rapidly. And here we come finally to the point: consumers and investors must believe in the future. This is about behavioral economics.

Behavioral economics needs more attention

In the Japanese case, this necessary condition for a successful expansion of the money supply is not there. The Japanese are not showing enough confidence in the future. This is why any continuation of Abenomics will fail again under current structural conditions. A new policy failure – and the economic outlook for the currently third largest economy in the world will worsen much more.

In this case: at some point – within the forthcoming decade – negative contagion from Japan on other Asian countries and the whole global economy could happen. Consequently, the next Japanese government has to think more about giving real confidence in the economic future. So far, 25 years have gone without positive results. Institutional economics and the lack of behavioral studies explain a lot of this ineffective economic policy.

Economic history tells us that printing money and other liquidity-creating measures never really could cure long-term problems in the real economy.

This is indeed an important experience that academic researchers, decision-makers in central banks/governments and on financial markets should remember more actively.

 

Hubert Fromlet
Senior Professor of International Economics, Linnaeus University
Editorial board

 

Back to Start Page

Alibaba IPO Underlines Rise of Chinese Private Sector

November 5, 2014

On Friday, September 5, Alibaba Group filed details about its forthcoming Initial Public Offering, suggesting a mid-range valuation of 155 billion US dollars. This would make the Hangzhou-based web retailer the most valuable listed private-sector company headquartered on the Chinese mainland, ahead of its Shenzhen-based online rival Tencent Holdings.

Alibaba’s coming of age underlines a continuous trend of the last half-decade, illuminatingly analysed by the Peterson Institute’s Nick Lardy in his forthcoming book Markets over Mao. For all the fashionable talk of China’s dominant state capitalism and “Guo Jin Min Tui” (“the state advances, the private sector retreats”), the numbers tell a slightly different story, as illustrated by the following chart:

Aggregate Market Value of Large Listed Cinese Companies

 

This chart shows the shares of four categories of companies in the aggregate market value of the largest listed Chinese firms, namely those that feature in the FT Global 500 list of the world’s 500 largest listed companies by market capitalization which is regularly compiled by the Financial Times. Companies are included irrespective of the location of their main stock market listing, whether Hong Kong, Shenzhen, Shanghai or, in Alibaba’s case, New York. The three main groups are state-owned enterprises (SOEs) of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), such as Petrochina, Industrial & Commercial Bank of China, or China Mobile; companies from Hong Kong and Macao (mostly private-sector but also including municipal companies such as MTR, which operates the profitable Hong Kong metro system), such as Hutchison Whampoa, AIA Insurance, or Sands China; and private-sector companies from the mainland, such as Tencent or Ping An. A smaller fourth group includes banks with hybrid ownership of state and private-sector shareholders (with a public-sector majority), such as China Merchants, Industrial Bank, or Shanghai Pudong Development Bank.

The numbers are as of December 31 of each year except in 2014, where the ranking as of June 30 is used. In the right-hand bar, Alibaba is added to the list on June 30 with the notional market value of USD155bn. This inclusion results in a corresponding expansion of the relative share of the mainland private sector. (The other companies’ market values were not adjusted from their June 30 amount, but this would not materially change the overall picture.)

The chart suggests three observations. First, with about two-thirds of the total, the PRC’s government retains a firm control of the “commanding heights” of Chinese business, as has been plain since the massive IPOs of state-owned enterprises in the mid-2000s. Second, however, this measure suggests a continuous erosion of state control for the past half-decade, as new entrants such as Tencent and Alibaba gain ground – and as private firms in Hong Kong and Macao have also comparatively recovered somewhat from their low point of the late 2000s. Third, and for the first time with Alibaba’s addition to the mix, large private-sector companies from the mainland collectively weigh as much as their peers from Hong Kong and Macao when measured by aggregate value.

As always in China, one must keep in mind that the distinction between public and private sector remains somewhat fuzzy. Ultimate ownership of private-sector firms is often unclear, and the Communist Party of China retains ways to influence the strategy and behaviour of many nominally private-sector companies. Nevertheless, the gradual rise of private-sector companies as compared with the state-owned giants is too continuous to be ignored. Alibaba’s IPO is likely to be remembered as the symbolic moment of this momentous transformation of the Chinese corporate landscape.

Nicolas Véron
Senior fellow at Bruegel, Brussels, Visiting fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics, Washington DC



Back to Start Page

The G-20 Financial Reform Agenda after Five Years

Highlights

  • Five years ago, the declarations of the G20 in landmark leaders’ summits in London and Pittsburgh listed specific commitments on financial regulatory reform. When measured against these declarations, as opposed to the surrounding rhetorical hype, most (though not all) commitments have been met to a substantial degree.
  • However, the effectiveness of these reforms in making global finance more stable is not so far proven. This uncertainty on impact mirrors the absence of an analytical consensus on the crisis itself. In addition, unintended consequences of the reforms are appearing gradually, even as their initial implementation is still unfinished.
  • At a broader level, the G20 has established neither an adequate institutional infrastructure nor a consistent policy vision for a globally integrated financial system. This shortcoming justifies increasing concerns about economically harmful market fragmentation. One key aim should be to make international regulatory bodies more representative of the rapidly-changing geography of global finance, not only in terms of their membership but also of their leadership and location.

 

1 This Policy Contribution from September 2014 is an updated version of the author’s contribution to the 2014 China-US-Euro Economists Symposium “Reform: Challenges and Opportunities” jointly organized in Beijing on May 17-18, 2014, by Bruegel, the China Finance 40 Forum, and the Peterson Institute for International Economics.

 

Read the whole report The G-20 Financial Reform Agenda after Five Years

Nicolas Véron
Senior fellow at Bruegel, Brussels, Visiting fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics, Washington DC



Back to Start Page