China Research

A discussion forum on emerging markets, mainly China – from a macro, micro, institutional and corporate angle.

The G-20 Financial Reform Agenda after Five Years

November 5, 2014

Highlights

  • Five years ago, the declarations of the G20 in landmark leaders’ summits in London and Pittsburgh listed specific commitments on financial regulatory reform. When measured against these declarations, as opposed to the surrounding rhetorical hype, most (though not all) commitments have been met to a substantial degree.
  • However, the effectiveness of these reforms in making global finance more stable is not so far proven. This uncertainty on impact mirrors the absence of an analytical consensus on the crisis itself. In addition, unintended consequences of the reforms are appearing gradually, even as their initial implementation is still unfinished.
  • At a broader level, the G20 has established neither an adequate institutional infrastructure nor a consistent policy vision for a globally integrated financial system. This shortcoming justifies increasing concerns about economically harmful market fragmentation. One key aim should be to make international regulatory bodies more representative of the rapidly-changing geography of global finance, not only in terms of their membership but also of their leadership and location.

 

1 This Policy Contribution from September 2014 is an updated version of the author’s contribution to the 2014 China-US-Euro Economists Symposium “Reform: Challenges and Opportunities” jointly organized in Beijing on May 17-18, 2014, by Bruegel, the China Finance 40 Forum, and the Peterson Institute for International Economics.

 

Read the whole report The G-20 Financial Reform Agenda after Five Years

Nicolas Véron
Senior fellow at Bruegel, Brussels, Visiting fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics, Washington DC



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25 years After the Fall of the Berlin Wall – Reflections on Developments in the Former Planned Economies

1. On November 9 in 1989, a colleague of mine and I had some meetings in both West Berlin and East Berlin. In the morning, we had no idea about what a few hours later could be called an historical day. We saw the fall of the Berlin Wall with our own eyes. What an event!

This particular experience convinced me pretty soon that it would be worth-while dealing as early and as much as possible with the commenced /forthcoming political and economic revolution that was about to happen.

2. The first country I visited was Poland. This happened already in early 1990. After this trip, I continuously and repeatedly went to all the other countries that were transforming their planned economy into a market system. These early trips to Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and also to the new Baltic states gave me a real feeling of how badly the old system of he planned economy had worked – but also about the enormous efforts that had to be made in order to establish a new, functioning economic and legal system. Somewhat later, Romania, Bulgaria, Slovakia and Croatia, for instance, became interesting places to look at as well.

3. The implementation of the new legal and institutional framework was particularly difficult in the European reforming countries. Reflect, for example, for a few moments how many new – democratic and market-oriented – laws had to formulated, approved by parliament, and finally be applied by the courts! Do not forget all the education of judges that was needed!

The marketization of the planned economies was certainly not easy – and all the administrative/institutional reforms not either. Marketization also included important elements like free competition (whenever appropriate), the establishment of a modern financial system, new monetary and exchange rate policies, the creation of new economic policy tools, privatization, new tax systems, the opening of trade borders, openness for FDI and the import of technology, the encouragement of SMEs, etc. There were indeed mountings of reform areas.

4. Reforming countries with EU-membership objectives proved – generally spoken – be more successful during this transition process than countries without this final goal. Reform pressure – both economically and politically – for joining the EU was sometimes quite tough and had to be managed smoothly.

5. However, despite all the progress in most former command economies: many reforms/structural improvements still have to come (like, by the way, in most of the traditional OECD countries)! All the former planned economies have become part of the global economy. In this context, I would like to quote the late Nobel Prize winner Paul Samuelson who said to me in the 1990s “that globalization means that there is no room anymore for comfortable ineffectiveness”. Certainly not for the previously planned economies either!

It should also be mentioned that most of the (formerly) reforming countries had their ups and downs during the transition process – a transition process that certainly is not yet concluded in all former planned economies in Northern, Eastern, Central, South Eastern European countries – and even less in the nowadays independent Asian countries that previously were parts of the Soviet Union.

6. We have seen during these 25 years how some reform-delayed countries could catch up quite nicely at a later stage – but also the opposite, i.e. how countries with relatively favorable starting positions violated quite a bit of their initially nice reputation. Russia, Belarus and – more recently – Hungary turned out to be the largest disappointments.

7. The Baltic countries had their ups and downs since the early 1990s. Marketization and most of the necessary institutional reforms went quite smoothly. For a while – in the middle of the past decade – Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania were even called “European tigers”.

Around 2004/2005, however, the Baltic countries became increasingly imbalanced, caused by rapidly growing deficits in the current account and an enormous credit boom which regrettably was backed up strongly by some in the Baltic financial markets dominating and irresponsible Swedish banks. Too passive domestic supervisory authorities and governments made the problem even worse – but also the unilateral strong links to the euro and as a result of this policy the loss of an independent monetary policy. Today, the Baltic countries have achieved a satisfactory macroeconomic balance again – but (potential) growth has come down and problems on the labor market remain in place.

8. Let’s finally come to the economically most successful (reforming) country in the past 25 years (not including the former East Germany in this analysis). In my opinion, the answer is obvious: Poland. I have been many times to Poland in the past two and a half decades and written lots of reports on the country; thus, I do not have any doubt about this conclusion.

9. So what did Poland better than the other reforming countries?

In my view, three special factors were decisive (more, could, of course be mentioned):
¤ the early privatization and the creation of a new financial market
¤ openness to foreign direct investment, and, thus to imports of technology
¤ confidence in Poland’s economy and economic policy – without notable interruption neither domestically nor from abroad. In my view, this confidence part plays an underestimated role in many evaluations of the Polish success story – and should be “administrated” well also by future Polish governments.

Despite this positive general judgment, it should be stressed that also Poland still has a lot of structural work to do: for instance what concerns certain institutions, government debt, the budget process, health care, other social services and future-oriented research. And we realize these days that not even Poland is immune against all kind of external distortion. Russia’s current problems and EU’s disappointing growth development will probably lead to a slowdown of Polish GDP growth pretty soon.

10. Altogether, many positive developments could be noted in the previously planned European economies. Unfortunately, positive trends are not a homogenous phenomenon in the reforming European/Asian countries as a whole. The achievable growth potential has not been met everywhere in the past in the past 25 years. There are obvious winners and losers. However, both the current winners and losers should remember three obvious conclusions:

– the wise words of Paul Samuelson about comfortable ineffectiveness (see above),
– economic heterogeneity between the countries has been increasing strongly since 1990 – and the winners of today are not necessarily the winner of tomorrow (and vice versa),
– speed is not all when it comes to economic reforms; it may be even more relevant to emphasize the importance of continuously moving forward – and not move backward as Russia currently is doing.

At the end of the day, economic growth and well-being is very much about confidence of the household and corporate sector – both in the short and in the longer run.

 

Hubert Fromlet
Senior Professor of International Economics, Linnaeus University
Editorial board

 

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China’s Historical Options

October 1, 2014

Summary

In this article, this year’s annual position paper of the European Union Chamber of Commerce in China (EUCCC) is described.

This time, the angle of the European Chamber is to comment on the far-reaching reforms from the decision document of the Third Plenum last year and to suggest what needs to be done by China to succeed with its ambitious reform plans.

The Chamber goes as far as to say that China has no other choice but to stick to reforms. If China makes the wrong choices at the critical crossroads where the country is at present, China may risk never getting past the “middle income trap”. The core issue of the reforms is to truly allow the market forces to play a decisive role in the resource allocation of the Chinese society.

The Executive Summary of the Chamber is divided into three headlines:

1) The role of the market: the need of rebalancing the economy, of financial reforms, fiscal reforms, State Owned Enterprises reforms, market access and the freedom of companies to choose strategic service providers.

2) Quality of life: China is now shifting focus from blind pursuit of growth at any price to enhancing the quality of life of its inhabitants. This section covers areas such as the environment, urbanisation, health care, food safety, internet management, the rule of law and the role of the marketplace in innovation.

3) China and the world: This chapter welcomes China’s awakened leadership ambitions in the global rule-setting organisations. Convergence of the Chinese regulatory frameworks with international norms will ensure that China will strengthen its position as an integrated part of global supply chains and that the global competitiveness of Chinese innovations will grow.

To summarize: The recommendations provided by the European industry in China will not only further strengthen the interests of European companies in China, but will also help China to build a much better general business environment to the benefit of all companies irrespective of ownership form or national origins.

 

Kina vid ett historiskt vägval

Genom fyrtiotalet arbetsgrupper framför Europeiska Handelskammaren i Kina (EUCCC) årligen rekommendationer från sina dryga 1800 medlemmar till den kinesiska regeringen om hur affärsklimatet i Kina skall kunna bli bättre. Detta omfattande arbete presenteras i ett positionspapper.

Sedan några år tillbaka är den så kallade executive summary kanske den intressantaste delen, i varje fall om man vill förstå hur europeisk industri ser på Kinas stora utmaningar. I årets executive summary är texten indelad i tre avdelningar: 1) Marknadens roll i samhället, 2) Livskvalitet och 3) Kinas roll i världen.

Sedan Kina presenterade sitt sextiopunkts beslutdokument om ekonomiska och sociala reformer står det helt klart att Kina befinner sig vid – förmodligen – det viktigaste vägvalet i modern kinesisk historia; antingen genomför man reformerna fullt ut och med kraft och har en chans att övervinna de stora och otaliga utmaningar som Kina står inför. Eller så tvekar man och riskerar att
få en stagnerande utveckling, där problemens svårighetsgrad kan komma att utgöra ett hot mot Kina, så som vi känner det idag. Eftersom Kina redan är en mycket viktig del av världsekonomin och en allt viktigare politisk supermakt är Kinas öde vårt allas öde.

Kammaren vill i sitt executive summary peka på de löften till reform som Kina presenterade i sextiopunktsdokumentet för knappt ett år sedan. EUCCC kommer med konstruktiva förslag till hur dessa skall kunna genomföras. Nyckelfrågan för framgång är att låta marknaden spela den avgörande rollen i allokeringen av resurser som sextiopunktsdokumentet har som centralt tema. Detta i sin tur innebär att staten måste omdefiniera sin roll i samhället för att den organiskt växande delen av ekonomin skall kunna frodas.

Utan långtgående finansiella reformer blir detta svårt. Utan att minska de statliga företagens dominans i ekonomin kommer glastak fortsätta att existera som försvårar för privata företag att växa sig riktigt stora och livskraftiga. För att staten fullt ut skall kunna spela sin nya roll och för att minska de snedvridande effekterna av att underfinansierade städer, kommuner och distrikt för sin försörjning säljer ut mark och lånar upp pengar inom den informella lånesektorn måste genomgripande reformer av skattesystemet genomföras.

Vidare måste marknaderna öppnas för jämlik konkurrens mellan alla marknadsaktörer – oavsett deras ägarbakgrund. Statens uppgift är att stå som garant för öppna och transparenta marknader med tydliga ramar innanför vilka marknadskrafterna kan spela sin roll. Slutligen måste marknadsaktörer tillåtas full frihet att arbeta med den kommersiella infrastruktur som de behöver för att fatta välavvägda beslut där risk ställs mot affärsmöjligheter. Det innebär konkret att banker, jurister, redovisningsfirmor, strategikonsulter, kvalitetsinspektörer osv måste kunna erbjuda sina tjänster utan begränsningar pådyvlade av staten.

Under de första trettiofem åren av den stora reformprocessen sedan 1979 har mycket av statens fokus handlat om att återupprätta landet Kina. I denna ambition har staten oftast stått på (de statliga) företagens sida. Medan Kina blivit allt rikare frågar sig alltfler människor i Kina om deras liv egentligen blivit så mycket bättre. De tänker på miljöproblem, arbetslöshet, skyhöga priser på bostäder, matsäkerhet, korruption, trafikstockningar, fula och opersonliga bostadsområden osv. Att nu återvinna folkets förtroende har kommit att bli en överlevnadsfråga för partiet. Från och med nu måste människans livskvalitet sättas i centrum.

Den Europeiska Handelskammaren delar denna uppfattning om livskvalitén och kan lätt dra på Europas egen erfarenhet från de olika medlemsländernas utveckling sedan andra världskrigets slut. Den nya kinesiska regeringen under premiärminister Li Keqiang ser därför en ny typ av urbanisering som svaret på livskvalitetsfrågan. Beboeliga städer kräver ett systemtänkande som Kina hittills visat lite prov på, men nya tag skulle kunna leda till både mer hållbara städer, högre innovationskraft och ett mer omfattande socialt skyddsnät. Den enskildes rätt till ett drägligt och tryggt liv kan ej separeras från ett väl fungerande och oberoende rättssystem. Även om Kina nu aviserat att just rättssystemet kommer att vara huvudfrågan vid partiets kommande fjärde plenarsession menar Handelskammaren att här finns mycket att önska med hänsyn till de mycket djupa reformbehoven. Vi menar också att ett ocensurerat och snabbt internet är kanske den enskilde människans största garant för att kunna värja sig mot maktmissbruk och andra missförhållanden.

Slutligen har Kina, som är väl bekant, redan blivit världen största handelsnation. Tillverkningsaktiviteter i Kina är redan djupt integrerade i globala leverantörs- och värdeförädlingskedjor. När arbetskraftskostnader och andra produktionskostnader nu stiger är det ännu viktigare att Kina på andra sätt behåller sin konkurrenskraft och attraktivitet. Detta sker bäst genom en konvergens mot omvärlden med hänsyn till internationell handelspolitik, standards, investeringsavtal och annat som gör det effektivt att producera och utveckla i Kina. Kina måste ta sitt ansvar genom att göra WTO till den viktigaste internationella plattformen för handelspolitik och genom att söka inflytande i andra viktiga internationella organisationer som skapar en bättre fungerande världsekonomi.

Vi européer välkomnar kinesiska investeringar i Europa och garanterar att kinesiska företag kommer att behandlas på samma sätt som vilka andra företag som helst i våra ekonomier.

Europeiska Handelskammaren i Kina företräder inte bara sina drygt 1800 medlemmar och deras intressen. Faktum är att alla rekommendationer i EUCCC:s positionspapper syftar till att göra Kina till en bättre marknad för alla aktörer – vare sig de är kinesiska, utländska, privata eller statliga.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Mats Harborn
Vice Chairman, European Union Chamber of Commerce in China (EUCCC)

 

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