China Research

A discussion forum on emerging markets, mainly China – from a macro, micro, institutional and corporate angle.

What’s Next for the Commodity Supercycle?

March 4, 2015

As crude oil prices have plunged in recent months, there has been a lot of talk about the end of the commodity supercycle. For those of us who trade in other commodities, or follow the Chinese economy, this realization is a bit late. Many commodities have already gone through the correction that is now facing crude oil, and many lessons can be learned by their experience. However, oil, like all commodities, will have characteristics that are all its own. This article lays out a history of recent commodity price movements – first violently up and now just as violently down – and insights on why they occurred. The next move for commodities is likely to be a considerable period of consolidation, with prices trading in a narrower range as both suppliers and consumers of commodities adjust to the interim new normal of a rough balance between supply and demand. We see another explosion in commodity prices on the far horizon as the next wave of global consumers – with an impact even larger than China’s entry – make their way onto the world stage.

For us, the global commodity supercycle began on July 20, 2005, which was the day that the Chinese government first allowed the yuan to appreciate from its long fixed ratio of 8.28 to the dollar. The Hu-Wen Government was in the third year of their leadership and was beginning to implement their policies of expanding into the west. Allowing the yuan to appreciate both tamed the American anger over alleged currency manipulation and forced coastal provinces to move up the technological ladder as labor costs rose. The advances China enjoyed since its admission to the WTO in 2000 would now spread from the 300 million beneficiaries in the coastal provinces and cities to the additional billion Chinese living inland.

From mid-2005 to mid-2008 the yuan appreciated roughly 20%, at the same time China’s nominal GDP growth was averaging about 20% per year. As a result, China’s buying power in dollars – the currency of international exchange for all commodities – accelerated from a 15% growth rate in early 2005 to over 35% just before the Lehman crisis. Booming real GDP growth and a soaring ability to pay made China the price setter for all commodities – and the major global purchaser of just about all kinds of resources. Iron ore consumption more than trebled from 14% of the world’s production in 2000 to 61% in 2010. Soybeans more than doubled from 23% to 59%; copper from 13% to 29%; coal from virtually no imports in 2000 to 15% of the world supply by 2010. By 2011, China was consuming more than 25% of the world’s supply of nearly everything – except oil, which languished at a paltry 10% roughly in line with China’s share of world GDP.

With China as the world’s biggest purchaser, the commodity supercycle was not derailed by the Lehman crisis. To the contrary, as the financial markets of the western world collapsed, China merely stopped its steady currency appreciation. However, as the result of the massive 4 trillion yuan stimulus in early 2009, nominal GDP growth – which is to say buying power for commodities — had rebounded to 18%, with real growth near 9%. By mid-2010, with the economy booming again and inflation running near double digits, China again began to appreciate the yuan – stemming growth and inflation at home, while increasing its international buying power for ever more expensive commodities. With China running red hot, global supply of commodities still had not caught up with demand and prices moved higher as the invisible hand worked to call out new technologies and exploration of more remote regions.

The day the Supercycle died was March 11, 2011 – the day the Japanese tsunami unexpectedly disrupted supply chains across much of Asia. The budding recoveries in the US and Europe, which started after the first round of the Greek crisis in 2010, were put on hold. Meanwhile, commodities production which had been whipped ever higher by prices finally caught up with demand as world growth paused. Virtually every major commodity hit a peak sometime in early 2011. Copper (the metal with the PhD in economics) top ticked in February and retested that high in August. Gold, silver and cotton all hit record highs. Grains faded, then temporarily made fresh highs in the spring of 2012 on poor harvests, but ultimately declined. Aluminum, platinum and crude oil, which had not recovered to pre-Lehman highs, started their descent. Oil has fared better than most commodities since 2011, in part because the tsunami’s shutdown of the Japanese nuclear reactors provided a final surge in demand that was not experienced by any other product.

On the backside of a commodity cycle, falling prices seek to drive out the marginal producer – which in the short run means the operator with the highest variable costs. With fixed costs high for many commodities, due to land and the sunk cost of capital investment, variable costs are generally far lower than the price previously needed to call out new production. Moreover, the costs of inputs for commodities production tend to tumble along with output, so variable costs decline rapidly in a correction. The experience across many commodities shows us that the bottom generally comes above the price needed back in 2005 to first call out new supply. Corn has bottomed near $3.30, its low in 2007 and 2009. Aluminum broke out from $1750 and bottomed there in late 2013. Similarly, platinum broke out and has retreated to $1200. Silver, cotton and natural gas have similar charts. Oil below $$60 appears to have met this condition. Copper and gold have avoided a complete retreat – so far.

As in a financial crisis, it is often the margin clerks – the bankers – who decide who survives and who does not. At the bottom, those firms with the strongest hands are able to pick up bargains. In past cycles, the winners with strong hands have tended to be industry participants with the knowledge and moxie to take on the risk of shattered competitors. Currently, due to the surplus of savings still available in the world – and zero interest rates for risk free investments – there are more financial players snapping up assets hoping to sell to operators later.

It is our view that the $50 a barrel decline in oil prices is just what the global economy needed to spark a worldwide recovery. At 80 million barrels a day, this tax cut – financed by the oil producers – is equivalent to $1.5 trillion a year, or 2% of world GDP. That’s a fairly robust stimulus by normal Keynesian standards. Most critical for commodities is whether the decline in prices will re-ignite growth in China, the world’s biggest consumer. We believe that Chinese growth faded to 4% last year – as indicated by electricity use – and will rebound to closer to 7% in 2015. Stronger Chinese demand should help stabilize commodity prices, but we expect the next rise is still a ways off as many resource producers are being acquired at deep discounts financed by near zero money.

 

The real spark for the next commodity cycle is likely to come from a broadening of global demand into the next tier of Asian producers – Indonesia, the Philippines, Vietnam, the next 100 million employees in India and the remainder of rural China. These populations combined are larger than the initial development of the Chinese coast or the first push inland. Chinese growth started slowly when Deng Xiaoping allowed Guangdong province to tap into the capital and managerial expertise of Hong Kong. The experiment accelerated when the opening to WTO brought in more foreign capital to the mainland and managers spread their local knowledge to China’s east coast. Under Hu and Wen, that success was forced inland by currency appreciation and infrastructure investment.

Now, under Xi and Li, China appears ready to go out and share its system of success with anyone willing to accept their money and immigrant labor. Bottom line, the population of educated managers, like the supply of previously scarce commodities, has caught up with world demand – and the price of developing the next tier of global expansion is declining. These new nations, like China in 2000, have low incomes and a voracious appetite for commodities. Moreover, the techniques the Chinese will teach are likely to be commodity intensive – as you teach what you know. Thus, we expect another commodity super cycle on the far horizon as better global growth raises all boats.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Michael Drury
Chief Economist, McVean Trading & Investments

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Statistics from China for 2014

¤ Some striking statistics

Currently, Chinese authorities publish an increasing number of (preliminary) economic and social statistics (to the extent that specific statistical time series exist at all – which many times is not the case compared to the statistical variety in developed OECD countries). In the past few years, I have been writing a number of papers and articles on the lagging quality of Chinese statistics – but I have also called for humility since China is such a big country that cannot achieve improvements rapidly and certainly not new time series within a short period of time. However, humility should not induce that certain existing official statistics sometimes appear strange or surprising (or that certain sensitive statistics are not published). Below, I give some examples.

GDP: China’s GDP grew by 7.4 percent in 2014. Some downsizing should be not particularly remarkable when looking just at the average for the whole year. But what about the following quarterly GDP increases in 2014, yoy: q1: 7.4, q2: 7.5, q3:7.3, q4: 7.3 percent? Such an even development is unusual in our part of the world. And in 2013, for example, it was almost the same phenomenon (q1:7.8, q2: 7.5, q3: 7.9, q4: 7.6). Where is the – in other countries – usual volatility of GDP-growth rates?

GDP aggregates: Publication of GDP aggregates is – in my eyes – still insufficient. My own findings tell me that there is only a distinction in shares of total GDP for total final consumption expenditure, gross capital formation and net exports for goods and services. But I have never seem a special headline showing “private consumption”(which should be particularly interesting when analyzing China’s new objectives of economic policy). Please tell me if I have missed something!

GINI: This indicator for income inequality (income distribution) “improved” in 2014 to 0.469 from 0.473 the year before – but still above the warning level of 0.40 set by the UN. The uneven distribution of income has certainly been embarrassing for China’s leading politicians for quite some years. Thus, improvements of the GINI indicator must be regarded as important. But by as little as 0.004 index points? This statistical accuracy looks somewhat strange.

Unemployment: Looking, for example, at the migration number below may indicate that unemployment should be higher than the officially noted urban unemployment rate (4.1%). Since the rural population counts for almost half of the Chinese population, there is also an urgent need to achieve acceptable statistics on rural unemployment. However, improved methodology as regards unemployment statistics have been announced recently. What will be the result?

Very small annual changes: As can be observed by the following new statistical numbers for 2014, changes from 2013 to 2014 are often very limited. Too limited?

¤ Some interesting official statistics for 2014

¤ Population: 1.37 billion (1,37 miljarder in Swedish); of which 54.8 % urban and 45.2 % rural population; of which 51.2 % male and 48.8 % female citizens; 138 million 65 years or older (2013: 132 million)

¤ GDP aggregates (share of GDP): total consumption 51.2 %, investment 48.6, net exports: 0.2 %

¤ Employment: 773 million (urban 393 million; total 2013: 770 million); migrant workers: 274 million citizens

¤ Shares of production: primary sector 9.2 % (2013: 10.0%), secondary sector 42.6 % (2013: 43.9%), tertiary sector 48.2 % (2013: 46.1%, for the first time larger than the secondary sector)

¤ Consumer Price Index (average): 2.0 % (of which urban inflation 2.1%, rural inflation 1.8 %; 2013 average 2.6%)

¤ Foreign exchange reserves (year end : 3 843 billion USD; 2013 year end: 3821 billion)

¤ Retail sales of consumer goods: 26 239 billion yuan (+10.9 % in volume terms ); of which online sales : 2 790 billion (+49,7 %)

¤ Internet users: 649 million (of which 557 million mobile internet users; total internet coverage 47.9 %)

¤ Real disposable income: + 8.0 % (2013: 8.1)

¤ Research & Development: 2.1 % of GDP (2013: 2.1%)

 

Hubert Fromlet
Senior Professor of International Economics, Linnaeus University
Editorial board

 

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The New Normal – More remarks on China’s GDP Statistics

February 4, 2015

In the last China Research issue, Hubert Fromlet shared his thoughts on the tricky issue of China’s GDP data reliability. Since then, GDP data for 2014 has been officially announced: 7.4 percent. International media have commented this negatively, with the argument that this growth rate was lowest in 24 years. One might argue that the real tragedy about this number is the only tiny deviation of 0.1 from the growth target propagated in early 2014 and in our lack of trust in this result. Why all the talk about upcoming lower growth, why introducing the hardly attractive concept of the “new normal” state of China, if the target was just failed by 0.1 percent? Have the sinister news of the last months just been some spinning efforts to make 7.4 bad enough, but still credible? Has growth actually been much lower, as Hubert Fromlet’s analysis suggested? Are we back to a situation like in 1998?

In that year, the Chinese government had propagated a growth target of 8.0 percent, a target that was soon threatened by the repercussions of the Asian financial crisis and the huge floods hitting several provinces around the Yangzi during that summer. The government reacted by stressing the dedication to still achieve the 8.0 growth target. The official growth rate of that year was later published as 7.8 percent, arguably a very Chinese effort of “spinning”: Less than the target, thereby increasing the credibility of the number, but still close enough to satisfy internal and external expectations. Economists, both in and outside China, questioned the reliability of these data. The American China economist Thomas Rawski later become famous for his reality check on the GDP data by using alternative measures for growth based on energy, traffic, real estate etc. statistics. The results were devastating, indicating growth rates of around 2.0 percent for China’s economy for 1998 and following years. When his conclusions started to be circulated in popular international media, Chinese media started a counter propaganda strike, questioning the methods of Rawski’s analysis.

Only few years later though, when – in the course of the more recent leadership change – Chinese media tried to stress the economic competence of Li Keqiang, they repeated a story of him questioning reported provincial GRP (gross regional product) data. He was said to use alternative indicators instead to get a realistic picture of provincial economic development, indicators that surprisingly resembled those of Thomas Rawski.

So, are Chinese GDP data just deliberate fabrications? Probably not: There exist a number of technical reasons why Chinese statistical data are troubling, some of which are difficult to avoid: First, China’s gradual economic transition necessitates a gradual adaptation to the internationally practised System of National Accounts (SNA). Progress in this transition, for example by including the service sector into the reporting system, explains a lot of changes in Chinese statistics over the last 35 years. Second, China’s fast growth regularly necessitates adaptations of the units of analysis. For example, if it were appropriate to count gross capital investment above 500,000 Yuan in the 1990s or early 2000s, with investment volumes continuously on the rise such investment projects today are only counted if they exceed 5 million Yuan, leading to a one-time decrease in growth rates of FAI in the year when the adaptation was initiated (2010).

But still, there has been an element of fabrication in GDP data in the past that until today feeds our suspicions: Chinese GDP data is regularly published in the China Statistical Yearbook. Each yearbook publishes the latest nominal GDP data as well as nominal and real GDP growth. Past data for nominal GDP is corrected in the current yearbook if necessary. In most cases since 1992[1] (YB 2005, 2007, 2009, 2011, 2012, 2013, 2014) these ex post corrections only pertain to the previous year GDP, but in several years (YB 1996, 2003, 2004, 2006, 2008 and 2010) backward correction of nominal GDP data was undertaken for a number of years. The most substantial corrections of this kind happened with the Yearbook of 2006, when – based on a new census – nominal GDP data was corrected back for the years 1992 to 2005. At the same time, real GDP growth rates have seldom been corrected backwards. Only in the YB 2005, 2007 and 2011 could such backward revisions be observed with the most substantial revision for a long time series undertaken in the YB 2011. In economic terms, revising nominal data without adjusting real GDP growth accordingly implies that the implicit GDP deflator (China does not publish a GDP deflator, but also does not use the published consumer or producer price index as deflator) would have to be corrected accordingly. This again assumes that the flaws in original GDP data and the GDP deflator were of the same scope. Such an assumption is hardly convincing from an economic perspective.

To give an example: GDP nominal growth in 2009 according to the data published in 2010 was 13.2 percent, according to later revised nominal data it was just 8.6 percent. Real growth rate for that year is assumed to have been 9.1 percent according to the Yearbook 2010, which was revised to 9.2 percent in the Yearbook 2011. Thus, while the correction of the nominal growth rate was 4.6 percentage points, the correction of the real GDP growth rate was only 0.1 percent. Thus there must have been a major correction of 4.5 percentage point to the implicit GDP deflator!

In the years since 2010, backward revisions of nominal GDP have been comparatively small. This could indicate that GDP data has become more reliable. The problem is that we don’t know for sure. Following the logic of Chinese politics major corrections of GDP may have been deemed inappropriate in times of the global financial crisis and Chinese leadership change. If we assume this logic to be relevant, simple alternative calculation will not work anymore: If the Chinese Premier used alternative calculations in the past himself and if the Chinese leadership today really wants to cook the books in order to persuade Chinese and foreign observers that GDP data may go down, but only slowly so, the leadership would also know how to do the trick more convincingly than in the years around 1998.

It’s a real dilemma: How can the Chinese leadership reinstall trust in the numbers after they have themselves shown their distrust in past reporting? And how can we regain trust in today’s data after there have been so obvious flaws in the past? To me, the Chinese government has not to put efforts into explaining that lower growth rates may be the “new normal” situation for China. It would be much more helpful if the “new normal” stood for transparency and reliability of media and data.

[1] The calculations presented here are not looking into the years before 1992.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Doris Fischer
Professor, University of Würzburg, China Business and Economics

 

 

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